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to be highly politicised in Macedonia, predominantly Albanianised.
In 1990, the chairman of the Muslim organization, Riza Memedovski, sent an open letter to the Chairman of the Party for Democratic Prosperity of Macedonia. Talking of a “quiet assimilation,” he accused the PDP of using religion in an attempted “Kosovoization and Albanization of western Macedonia” (Poulton, 1997:94).
with confession.
Интересен пример на заедничко верување:
ANTHROPOLOGICAL NOTEBOOKS 15 (3): 27–41.
ISSN 1408-032X
© Slovene Anthropological Society 2009
This text is an extended version of my paper presented on 10th EASA Conference Experiencing diversity and
mutuality (Ljubljana, 26-29 August 2008). I would like to express my gratitude to all participants of the workshop
Mutuality and Difference in Multi-religious Local Communities: the Politics of Neighbourliness for the fruitful
discussion as well as to anonymous reviewers of this paper.
This paper is based on my own ethnographic fieldwork2 carried out in the western
part of the Republic of Macedonia (surroundings of Debar) from 2006 to 2008. Last summer
(July 2008), I conducted my fieldwork in some villages of the Reka region, also quite
close to Debar, inhabited by people of different confessions – Orthodox Macedonians and
Macedonian Muslims. During this research, I lived in a female monastery in the outskirts ofDebar (in a village of Rajchica), thus I had an opportunity to meet some Orthodox officialsand talk to nuns as well as to visitors (both Orthodox and Muslim). It was only two weeks
of research, but I consider it crucial for my current conclusions.The fieldwork method I applied was ethnographic interviews – structured aswell as semi-structured and unstructured (viz. Bernard 2005). Participant observation was
used as well. I followed requirements of multi-sited ethnography proposed by George
E. Marcus; thus, I was trying to follow my interlocutors and their problems, and not to
focus on one particular place and issue (Marcus 1995: 95–117). All my observations wererecorded regularly in field notes and a journal along with introductory interpretations. My
interlocutors were primarily nuns, monks and officials from both Christian and Muslimcommunities as well as inhabitants of Muslim and mixed Muslim and Orthodox villagesyoung, while my Christian interviewees were primarily middle-aged women.
(simple believers). Among Muslims, I found almost exclusively male informants, mostly
http://www.drustvo-antropologov.si/AN/PDF/2009_3/Anthropological_Notebooks_XV_3_Bielenin.pdf
While researching all of the abovementioned ethnic groups, in my paper I will
focus only on the
focus only on the
Torbeshi. However, it is a necessary to make a digression regarding
ethnicity.4
Macedonian Muslims are people who are rather confessional than ethnic group but there are some who declare very strong affiliation to the Macedonian nation and do
ethnicity.4
Macedonian Muslims are people who are rather confessional than ethnic group but there are some who declare very strong affiliation to the Macedonian nation and do
not connect nationality with religion, e.g. a former chairman of the organisation
The Culture nd Science Centre of Macedonian Muslims Nijazi Limanoski – both a Macedonian Muslim and ethnologist, who promoted the creation of a secular definition of nationality, based on language, customs, origin and folklore common to all Macedonians.
Islam is, in his opinion, an additional feature and had not deeply changed the social and spiritual life of the Macedonian Muslims (Lubaś 2007: 174).
At present, only a part of Macedonian Muslims agree with Limanoski. They do not want to diminish the role of Islam in their
Islam is, in his opinion, an additional feature and had not deeply changed the social and spiritual life of the Macedonian Muslims (Lubaś 2007: 174).
At present, only a part of Macedonian Muslims agree with Limanoski. They do not want to diminish the role of Islam in their
collective identity. Most of them declare themselves simply to be Muslims. In the official
political and academic discourse of Macedonians (cf. Svetieva 2003), Torbeshi are claimed
to be highly politicised in Macedonia, predominantly Albanianised.
Politicisation
in this context means that religious Muslim organisations, led by ethnic Albanians, are used for political propaganda. Moreover, both in medresas (Muslim theological schools) and in mosques, the language that is most widely used is Albanian.
Then, Albanian political parties (especially PDP – Party of Democratic Prosperity – Partija za demokratski prosperitet, quite popular among Macedonian Muslims) refer to connections
between Albanianess and Islam and that religious affiliation is stronger than their ethnicity, i.e. that they are above all Muslim (as a nationality) rather than Macedonian.
This is done in order to reduce the number of Macedonians in censuses. Moreover, Albanians are registered as Albanians, not as Muslims (cf. Friedman 1993: 89).
Then, Albanian political parties (especially PDP – Party of Democratic Prosperity – Partija za demokratski prosperitet, quite popular among Macedonian Muslims) refer to connections
between Albanianess and Islam and that religious affiliation is stronger than their ethnicity, i.e. that they are above all Muslim (as a nationality) rather than Macedonian.
This is done in order to reduce the number of Macedonians in censuses. Moreover, Albanians are registered as Albanians, not as Muslims (cf. Friedman 1993: 89).
In 1990, the chairman of the Muslim organization, Riza Memedovski, sent an open letter to the Chairman of the Party for Democratic Prosperity of Macedonia. Talking of a “quiet assimilation,” he accused the PDP of using religion in an attempted “Kosovoization and Albanization of western Macedonia” (Poulton, 1997:94).
Politicisation of religion is related with association the term
Muslim has in Macedonia. During the Ottoman Empire, to be a
Muslim equalled being a Turk, while being Orthodox meant being Greek. In contemporary Macedonia, the word Muslim has begun to signify Albanian as Albanians are the largest
Muslim community in this country. Thus, many Torbeshi declare themselves to be Albanians, although they do not speak any Albanian and their declarations are connected only
Muslim equalled being a Turk, while being Orthodox meant being Greek. In contemporary Macedonia, the word Muslim has begun to signify Albanian as Albanians are the largest
Muslim community in this country. Thus, many Torbeshi declare themselves to be Albanians, although they do not speak any Albanian and their declarations are connected only
with confession.
Интересен пример на заедничко верување:
Monasteries, especially St. Jovan Bigorski, are regularly visited by Muslims (e.g.
‘I was in monastery of Saint Jovan Bigorski maybe ten times; my mother was there as well.
‘I was in monastery of Saint Jovan Bigorski maybe ten times; my mother was there as well.
It is normal: it is the house of God’). It is a place particularly significant for Macedonian
Muslims since the first meeting of the
Muslims since the first meeting of the
Torbeshi cultural organization, set up in 1970, was
held at this place (cf. Poulton 2001: 115).
held at this place (cf. Poulton 2001: 115).