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МАСАКРОТ КАЈ ВЕЈЦЕ ВО ДОМАШНИТЕ И СТРАНСКИТЕ ВЕСТИ
The Macedonian Concern (Vol 3, No 20 4 June 2001) - Central Europe View (англиски)
The massacre
On the morning of 2 May, a traditional picnic day in Macedonia, a group of four vehicles was making a routine patrol near the village of Vejce. Two of the vehicles were two-door Lada Niva SUVs. Just before the village of Vejce, they were ambushed by a group of Albanian extremists. The extremists let the first vehicle pass and then fired rockets and threw hand grenades into the other vehicles. Then they pulled the wounded, but still living, soldiers out of the burning vehicles.
While the Macedonian soldiers were still alive, the Albanians, with knives, dug their eyes out, then cut their ears and genital organs. Finally, they cut the stomachs and bowels from the molested bodies of the Macedonian soldiers. One soldier survived the initial attack and hid under one of the Niva SUVs and watched as the Albanians tortured his fellow soldiers. After seeing the horror, he shot himself in the head with his gun, unwilling to give himself up to the Albanian extremists. When the army later found the surviving soldiers in the first vehicle, they were crumpled in fetal positions and unable to speak.
Scene two
After this act, which Macedonian President Trajkovski called "demonic" and NATO Secretary General Lord Robertson called "monstrous," many Macedonians were wondering how they could continue to live together with people who had such hatred against them.
In Bitola and Skopje, from which most of the soldiers came, riots broke out and many shops owned by ethnic Albanians were demolished; one person was even killed. Prime Minister Ljubčo Gjorgjievski and the leader of Democratic Party of Albania (DPA), the Albanian party in the government, Arben Xhaferi, appealed to the people not to "collectivize guilt."
New fighting broke out near Kumanovo, and the extremists "liberated" several villages again. The Macedonian army started shelling the extremists' positions and reported that the extremists were using the villagers as "live shields" and weren't allowing them to leave. The extremists claimed that the villagers were staying of their own free will.
The Macedonian army adopted a strategy of unilateral cease-fire for several hours each day to allow for the civilians to leave, but the busses that were sent to the villages for evacuations most often came back empty. The old flashpoint, in the highlands of Shar Planina, above Tetovo, was lit anew when another army patrol was ambushed and two soldiers killed.
After giving the Albanian Extremists a "final" ultimatum to retreat by Thursday, 17 May, which was used by the extremists only to regroup themselves, the Macedonian army started the heaviest shelling of the Albanian extremists' positions yet on Wednesday, 23 May.
During the week after the "final" ultimatum passed, most of the civilians left the villages, but, according to Army Col Blagoja Markovski, about 1000, still remained. Extremists' commanders claimed that up to ten civilians have died during the shelling so far, but the Macedonian army said that the extremists are using their old tactic of re-dressing their dead soldiers into civilian clothes.
From a political perspective, and after much pressure from the EU and NATO, the main political subjects in Macedonia agreed to form a government of "national unity" in which the two major Albanian parties were represented. The extremists condemned this move as an invitation for more bloodshed, and one of their commanders stated that if they are not included in the government they will start fighting in all the Macedonian towns "where Albanians are in [the] majority."
It was no secret by this time that the leading Albanian politicians in Macedonia were on the "black list" of the extremists, who were blaming them for betraying the ideals of the Albanian people. Rumor has it that extremist commanders are blaming Xhaferi for failing to "give all Albanians passports," referring to the numerous refugees from Kosovo who settled illegally in Macedonia in the last ten to 20 years.
But an unexpected turn of events occurred when the KosovaLive news agency reported that the leaders of the two Albanian parties in the new coalition, Xhaferi and Imer Imeri, had brokered a deal with the self-appointed political leader of the so-called NLA, Ali Ahmeti, near Priština in Kosovo. The deal calls for amnesty and incorporation of the extremists into the political dialogue in Macedonia.
This was a shock to the Macedonian parties in the coalition and drew widespread and strong-worded contempt from the international community, especially from the EU which, in a statement issued by the British Embassy in Skopje, on behalf of the European Commission, says: "Let us repeat to the so-called NLA: there is no place for you at the negotiation table. If you have ever had any doubt about the messages from the international community, you should have no doubts now. And the fundamental message is simple. Go. Now."
Австрискиот вестник „Дер Штандарт“ (Der Standart) во врска со случувањата во Диво Насеље 2015 година ги спомнува злосторствата на УЧК односно ОНА:
Adelheid Wölfl hat wohl recht, wenn sie in ihrer Analyse (der STANDARD, 15. Mai) vermutet, was die meisten Mazedonier wissen: dass der Anti-Terror-Einsatz von Kumanovo ein Ablenkungsmanöver der Regierung war. Unrecht hat sie mit ihrem Vergleich dieser brutalen Farce mit dem UÇK-Krieg 2001: "Die Propaganda kann nicht mehr so reibungslos funktionieren wie noch 2001, als es zum bewaffneten Aufstand der Albaner kam." Die Gräuelgeschichten über die von der UÇK in Vejce bei lebendigem Leibe verbrannten und zu Tode gefolterten Reservisten entstammten nicht der Regierungspropaganda, sondern OSZE-Berichten, und der "Aufstand der Albaner" war von einem Großteil der mazedonischen Albaner missbilligt worden. Der damalige Präsident Boris Trajkovski hatte, als im Jänner 2001 UÇK-Banden begonnen hatten, albanische Dörfer zu drangsalieren und Polizeiposten zu überfallen, vorsorglich internationale Beobachter eingeladen, diesen Konflikt ins rechte Licht zu rücken. Aus gutem Grund: Bereits 1999, als Mazedonien trotz Armut und mit nur spärlicher internationaler Hilfe abertausende Flüchtlinge aus dem Kosovo aufnahm, hatten westliche Medien gierig darauf gewartet, dass ein neues slawisch-orthodoxes Killervolk sich an albanischen Opfern verginge. 14 Jahre später teilen sich ethnische Parteien wie jene des Ex-UÇK-Führers Ali Ahmeti und der regierenden VMRO-DPMNE die politische Agenda: Menschen von Staatsbürgern in Stammesangehörige mit unvereinbaren Interessen zu verwandeln, sozialen Widerstand zu neutralisieren, einander ausbalancierende Identitäten in antagonistische zu verwandeln, von Umverteilung nicht nur abzulenken, sondern Unmut darüber gegen ethnisch definierte Feinde zu kanalisieren. Das ist nicht nur "Balkan- Business-as-usual". - derstandard.at/2000016060616/Der-mazedonische-Fruehling-ist-anders
Albanske-Makedonske Krig i emningen. (норвешки)
03.05.01 22:14
Den 29.april 2001 kjører en sikkerhetskonvoi med fire pansrede kjøretøyer og 16 mann, hvorav 10 fra politiets sikkerhetsenheten "Ulven" ned i en ravine for å sjekkert og eventuelt fjerne plantet miner langs eller på landsveien fra landsbyen Vejce i Tetovo-regionen. Men akkurat da sikkerhetsenheten begynner å undersøker, ble de angripet av bombekaster og et rasende ild fra skogholtene omkringt ravinen og det var lite rom for makedonerne å beveger seg i under ild fra minst 20-25 albanske geriljakrigerne som med en granat ødelagt det ene kjøretøyet og skjøt vilt fram til 8 var drept og 6 skadet. Hektiske ild av pansrede kjøretøyer klarer å avviste total utslettning, men da hadde få albanerne nådde fram til noen av de døde på utkantene av skogholtene og knivstukket dem. 4 døde og 6 sårede av enheten "Ulven" og 4 regulære soldater i det ødelagte kjøretøyet var drept momentalt.
Ahmeti Should Face Criminal Charges For Vejce Massacre (англиски)
The investigation so far has not resulted in any evidence that a police insider signaled the patrol’s departure and revealed its route, say investigation sources
By Natali N. Sotirovska
Translated by Aleksandra Ilievska
Ali Ahmeti should be held accountable for the massacre near Vejce since it was him who ordered the atrocity irrespective of whether mujahedins or Kosovars or Macedonian citizens of Albanian ethnic origin were its direct perpetrators, who may not even be alive, say sources directly involved in the investigation into this case.
On April 28 of this year, eight members of the special police and army forces were killed and massacred after Albanian extremists ambushed their 16-member patrol.
The investigation so far has not come across any evidence to underpin the ever louder information, backed by the parents of the killed soldiers as well, that somebody signaled the patrol’s departure and gave away information on its route.
Traces of blood on the ground which are starting under the jeep Hummer, and traces of spilled motor oil.
- We continue to examine this information, even though we have no evidence as yet. During the inspection of the site of the atrocity, carried out the day after, a motorola was not found, as was claimed by certain media – say Dnevnik sources.
The investigation revealed that every day the patrol set out at the same time and moved along the same route. That, according to the sources, was also registered by the Albanian terrorists who then planned the attack.
Gun "Crvena Zastava" cal. 9mm, and blood puddle, located on the right back part under the vehicle Hammer.
- The autopsy demonstrates that only one member of the Macedonian security forces was killed in the first attack of the Albanian extremists. The others were monstrously tortured and then set on fire. At the site of the crime, there were found missiles of automatic rifles, rocket launchers, a gun and a knife. The forensic inquest also disclosed how many Albanian terrorists took part in the attack and the massacre – say investigation sources.
The investigation is currently being conducted against unknown perpetrators of the most severe forms of terrorism.
In the correspondence addressed to those responsible for the investigation into this crime, the families of the killed “Tigers” and “Wolves” demand answers to their questions of why security measures were not taken, why their sons and husbands were sent in a dangerous mission in light vehicles with only two doors and so on.
- Statements were taken from the families of the killed, as well as from some surviving members of the patrol. In the further course of the investigation, interrogation has also been suggested for senior officers in the ministries of interior affairs and defense – sources say.
The families of the killed, through their legal representative, lawyer Ignat Panchevski, have recently announced that they have initiated prosecuting procedures against officials, former and present politicians in the two line ministries on grounds of not taking steps to secure the patrol. Among them, as was said, there are “political representatives of the perpetrators of the crime.” Lawyer Panchevski announced that he would reveal the names of the eight suspected officials in the interior ministry and the ministry of defense once the decision to grant amnesty to terrorists was taken.
Mazedonien "am Rande des Abgrunds" (World Socialist Web Site - германски)
Von Richard Tyler
17. Mai 2001
Die Krise in Mazedonien hat sich durch den Tod von acht Mitgliedern der Sicherheitskräfte verschärft, die am 29. April in einem Hinterhalt der UCK-Guerilla in der Nähe von Vejce umkamen, einem Dorf nahe der Grenze zum Kosovo, 20 km nördlich von Tetovo. Es war der schwerwiegendste Zwischenfall, seitdem die Kämpfe im Februar in der Umgebung von Tetovo ausgebrochen waren. Laut Presseberichten wurden die Leichen mutwillig verstümmelt.
Ein nicht genannter westlicher Diplomat wurde mit den Worten zitiert: "Sie [die albanische UCK] will eine Überreaktion - sie wollen ein Racak." Er bezog sich dabei auf das angebliche Massaker an ethnischen Albanern im Kosovo, das einer der Vorwände der NATO für ihren Bombenkrieg gegen Serbien war.
Der Hinterhalt von Vejce war möglicherweise ein bewusster Versuch, die Gespräche der Georgievski-Regierung mit den Vertretern der Albaner-Parteien zu torpedieren. Die Antwort ließ nicht lange auf sich warten. Nach der Beisetzung der acht Soldaten und Polizisten brachen Unruhen in Bitola, einer Stadt im Süden Mazedoniens, aus. Die Presse berichtete, dass Hunderte Mazedonier in der ethnisch gemischten Stadt Amok liefen, Häuser von Albanern zerstörten und ihre Geschäfte plünderten.
Landssorg efter lördagens bakhåll (AmnestyPress.se, - шведски)
På måndagen vajade flaggorna på halv stång över Makedonien. Det var till minne av de åtta personer som dödades när en patrull från säkerhetsstyrkorna i lördags hamnade i ett bakhåll nära byn Vejce utanför Tetovo i nordvästra delen av landet. Fyra poliser och fyra armésoldater dödades, medan sex personer sårades vid överfallet. Nyhetsbyrån AP rapporterar att regeringen uppgav att de åtta dödade, som tillhörde en elitstyrka kallad Vargarna, hade skjutits i huvudet och knivhuggits för att säkerställa att de skulle dö.
The Macedonian Concern (Vol 3, No 20 4 June 2001) - Central Europe View (англиски)
The massacre
On the morning of 2 May, a traditional picnic day in Macedonia, a group of four vehicles was making a routine patrol near the village of Vejce. Two of the vehicles were two-door Lada Niva SUVs. Just before the village of Vejce, they were ambushed by a group of Albanian extremists. The extremists let the first vehicle pass and then fired rockets and threw hand grenades into the other vehicles. Then they pulled the wounded, but still living, soldiers out of the burning vehicles.
While the Macedonian soldiers were still alive, the Albanians, with knives, dug their eyes out, then cut their ears and genital organs. Finally, they cut the stomachs and bowels from the molested bodies of the Macedonian soldiers. One soldier survived the initial attack and hid under one of the Niva SUVs and watched as the Albanians tortured his fellow soldiers. After seeing the horror, he shot himself in the head with his gun, unwilling to give himself up to the Albanian extremists. When the army later found the surviving soldiers in the first vehicle, they were crumpled in fetal positions and unable to speak.
Scene two
After this act, which Macedonian President Trajkovski called "demonic" and NATO Secretary General Lord Robertson called "monstrous," many Macedonians were wondering how they could continue to live together with people who had such hatred against them.
In Bitola and Skopje, from which most of the soldiers came, riots broke out and many shops owned by ethnic Albanians were demolished; one person was even killed. Prime Minister Ljubčo Gjorgjievski and the leader of Democratic Party of Albania (DPA), the Albanian party in the government, Arben Xhaferi, appealed to the people not to "collectivize guilt."
New fighting broke out near Kumanovo, and the extremists "liberated" several villages again. The Macedonian army started shelling the extremists' positions and reported that the extremists were using the villagers as "live shields" and weren't allowing them to leave. The extremists claimed that the villagers were staying of their own free will.
The Macedonian army adopted a strategy of unilateral cease-fire for several hours each day to allow for the civilians to leave, but the busses that were sent to the villages for evacuations most often came back empty. The old flashpoint, in the highlands of Shar Planina, above Tetovo, was lit anew when another army patrol was ambushed and two soldiers killed.
After giving the Albanian Extremists a "final" ultimatum to retreat by Thursday, 17 May, which was used by the extremists only to regroup themselves, the Macedonian army started the heaviest shelling of the Albanian extremists' positions yet on Wednesday, 23 May.
During the week after the "final" ultimatum passed, most of the civilians left the villages, but, according to Army Col Blagoja Markovski, about 1000, still remained. Extremists' commanders claimed that up to ten civilians have died during the shelling so far, but the Macedonian army said that the extremists are using their old tactic of re-dressing their dead soldiers into civilian clothes.
From a political perspective, and after much pressure from the EU and NATO, the main political subjects in Macedonia agreed to form a government of "national unity" in which the two major Albanian parties were represented. The extremists condemned this move as an invitation for more bloodshed, and one of their commanders stated that if they are not included in the government they will start fighting in all the Macedonian towns "where Albanians are in [the] majority."
It was no secret by this time that the leading Albanian politicians in Macedonia were on the "black list" of the extremists, who were blaming them for betraying the ideals of the Albanian people. Rumor has it that extremist commanders are blaming Xhaferi for failing to "give all Albanians passports," referring to the numerous refugees from Kosovo who settled illegally in Macedonia in the last ten to 20 years.
But an unexpected turn of events occurred when the KosovaLive news agency reported that the leaders of the two Albanian parties in the new coalition, Xhaferi and Imer Imeri, had brokered a deal with the self-appointed political leader of the so-called NLA, Ali Ahmeti, near Priština in Kosovo. The deal calls for amnesty and incorporation of the extremists into the political dialogue in Macedonia.
This was a shock to the Macedonian parties in the coalition and drew widespread and strong-worded contempt from the international community, especially from the EU which, in a statement issued by the British Embassy in Skopje, on behalf of the European Commission, says: "Let us repeat to the so-called NLA: there is no place for you at the negotiation table. If you have ever had any doubt about the messages from the international community, you should have no doubts now. And the fundamental message is simple. Go. Now."
Австрискиот вестник „Дер Штандарт“ (Der Standart) во врска со случувањата во Диво Насеље 2015 година ги спомнува злосторствата на УЧК односно ОНА:
Adelheid Wölfl hat wohl recht, wenn sie in ihrer Analyse (der STANDARD, 15. Mai) vermutet, was die meisten Mazedonier wissen: dass der Anti-Terror-Einsatz von Kumanovo ein Ablenkungsmanöver der Regierung war. Unrecht hat sie mit ihrem Vergleich dieser brutalen Farce mit dem UÇK-Krieg 2001: "Die Propaganda kann nicht mehr so reibungslos funktionieren wie noch 2001, als es zum bewaffneten Aufstand der Albaner kam." Die Gräuelgeschichten über die von der UÇK in Vejce bei lebendigem Leibe verbrannten und zu Tode gefolterten Reservisten entstammten nicht der Regierungspropaganda, sondern OSZE-Berichten, und der "Aufstand der Albaner" war von einem Großteil der mazedonischen Albaner missbilligt worden. Der damalige Präsident Boris Trajkovski hatte, als im Jänner 2001 UÇK-Banden begonnen hatten, albanische Dörfer zu drangsalieren und Polizeiposten zu überfallen, vorsorglich internationale Beobachter eingeladen, diesen Konflikt ins rechte Licht zu rücken. Aus gutem Grund: Bereits 1999, als Mazedonien trotz Armut und mit nur spärlicher internationaler Hilfe abertausende Flüchtlinge aus dem Kosovo aufnahm, hatten westliche Medien gierig darauf gewartet, dass ein neues slawisch-orthodoxes Killervolk sich an albanischen Opfern verginge. 14 Jahre später teilen sich ethnische Parteien wie jene des Ex-UÇK-Führers Ali Ahmeti und der regierenden VMRO-DPMNE die politische Agenda: Menschen von Staatsbürgern in Stammesangehörige mit unvereinbaren Interessen zu verwandeln, sozialen Widerstand zu neutralisieren, einander ausbalancierende Identitäten in antagonistische zu verwandeln, von Umverteilung nicht nur abzulenken, sondern Unmut darüber gegen ethnisch definierte Feinde zu kanalisieren. Das ist nicht nur "Balkan- Business-as-usual". - derstandard.at/2000016060616/Der-mazedonische-Fruehling-ist-anders
Albanske-Makedonske Krig i emningen. (норвешки)
03.05.01 22:14
Den 29.april 2001 kjører en sikkerhetskonvoi med fire pansrede kjøretøyer og 16 mann, hvorav 10 fra politiets sikkerhetsenheten "Ulven" ned i en ravine for å sjekkert og eventuelt fjerne plantet miner langs eller på landsveien fra landsbyen Vejce i Tetovo-regionen. Men akkurat da sikkerhetsenheten begynner å undersøker, ble de angripet av bombekaster og et rasende ild fra skogholtene omkringt ravinen og det var lite rom for makedonerne å beveger seg i under ild fra minst 20-25 albanske geriljakrigerne som med en granat ødelagt det ene kjøretøyet og skjøt vilt fram til 8 var drept og 6 skadet. Hektiske ild av pansrede kjøretøyer klarer å avviste total utslettning, men da hadde få albanerne nådde fram til noen av de døde på utkantene av skogholtene og knivstukket dem. 4 døde og 6 sårede av enheten "Ulven" og 4 regulære soldater i det ødelagte kjøretøyet var drept momentalt.
Ahmeti Should Face Criminal Charges For Vejce Massacre (англиски)
The investigation so far has not resulted in any evidence that a police insider signaled the patrol’s departure and revealed its route, say investigation sources
By Natali N. Sotirovska
Translated by Aleksandra Ilievska

Ali Ahmeti should be held accountable for the massacre near Vejce since it was him who ordered the atrocity irrespective of whether mujahedins or Kosovars or Macedonian citizens of Albanian ethnic origin were its direct perpetrators, who may not even be alive, say sources directly involved in the investigation into this case.
On April 28 of this year, eight members of the special police and army forces were killed and massacred after Albanian extremists ambushed their 16-member patrol.
The investigation so far has not come across any evidence to underpin the ever louder information, backed by the parents of the killed soldiers as well, that somebody signaled the patrol’s departure and gave away information on its route.

Traces of blood on the ground which are starting under the jeep Hummer, and traces of spilled motor oil.
- We continue to examine this information, even though we have no evidence as yet. During the inspection of the site of the atrocity, carried out the day after, a motorola was not found, as was claimed by certain media – say Dnevnik sources.
The investigation revealed that every day the patrol set out at the same time and moved along the same route. That, according to the sources, was also registered by the Albanian terrorists who then planned the attack.

Gun "Crvena Zastava" cal. 9mm, and blood puddle, located on the right back part under the vehicle Hammer.
- The autopsy demonstrates that only one member of the Macedonian security forces was killed in the first attack of the Albanian extremists. The others were monstrously tortured and then set on fire. At the site of the crime, there were found missiles of automatic rifles, rocket launchers, a gun and a knife. The forensic inquest also disclosed how many Albanian terrorists took part in the attack and the massacre – say investigation sources.
The investigation is currently being conducted against unknown perpetrators of the most severe forms of terrorism.
In the correspondence addressed to those responsible for the investigation into this crime, the families of the killed “Tigers” and “Wolves” demand answers to their questions of why security measures were not taken, why their sons and husbands were sent in a dangerous mission in light vehicles with only two doors and so on.
- Statements were taken from the families of the killed, as well as from some surviving members of the patrol. In the further course of the investigation, interrogation has also been suggested for senior officers in the ministries of interior affairs and defense – sources say.
The families of the killed, through their legal representative, lawyer Ignat Panchevski, have recently announced that they have initiated prosecuting procedures against officials, former and present politicians in the two line ministries on grounds of not taking steps to secure the patrol. Among them, as was said, there are “political representatives of the perpetrators of the crime.” Lawyer Panchevski announced that he would reveal the names of the eight suspected officials in the interior ministry and the ministry of defense once the decision to grant amnesty to terrorists was taken.
Mazedonien "am Rande des Abgrunds" (World Socialist Web Site - германски)
Von Richard Tyler
17. Mai 2001
Die Krise in Mazedonien hat sich durch den Tod von acht Mitgliedern der Sicherheitskräfte verschärft, die am 29. April in einem Hinterhalt der UCK-Guerilla in der Nähe von Vejce umkamen, einem Dorf nahe der Grenze zum Kosovo, 20 km nördlich von Tetovo. Es war der schwerwiegendste Zwischenfall, seitdem die Kämpfe im Februar in der Umgebung von Tetovo ausgebrochen waren. Laut Presseberichten wurden die Leichen mutwillig verstümmelt.
Ein nicht genannter westlicher Diplomat wurde mit den Worten zitiert: "Sie [die albanische UCK] will eine Überreaktion - sie wollen ein Racak." Er bezog sich dabei auf das angebliche Massaker an ethnischen Albanern im Kosovo, das einer der Vorwände der NATO für ihren Bombenkrieg gegen Serbien war.
Der Hinterhalt von Vejce war möglicherweise ein bewusster Versuch, die Gespräche der Georgievski-Regierung mit den Vertretern der Albaner-Parteien zu torpedieren. Die Antwort ließ nicht lange auf sich warten. Nach der Beisetzung der acht Soldaten und Polizisten brachen Unruhen in Bitola, einer Stadt im Süden Mazedoniens, aus. Die Presse berichtete, dass Hunderte Mazedonier in der ethnisch gemischten Stadt Amok liefen, Häuser von Albanern zerstörten und ihre Geschäfte plünderten.
Landssorg efter lördagens bakhåll (AmnestyPress.se, - шведски)
På måndagen vajade flaggorna på halv stång över Makedonien. Det var till minne av de åtta personer som dödades när en patrull från säkerhetsstyrkorna i lördags hamnade i ett bakhåll nära byn Vejce utanför Tetovo i nordvästra delen av landet. Fyra poliser och fyra armésoldater dödades, medan sex personer sårades vid överfallet. Nyhetsbyrån AP rapporterar att regeringen uppgav att de åtta dödade, som tillhörde en elitstyrka kallad Vargarna, hade skjutits i huvudet och knivhuggits för att säkerställa att de skulle dö.