Македонци, илири, траки, фрегаси...

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Статус
Затворена за нови мислења.
Naslovot na knigata e : Une Race Oublee, Les Pelasges et Leur Descendants par Edouard Schneider,
Ex Ingenieur en Chief de la Provence de Scutari D'Albanie pour le Gouvernment Ottoman,
Paris 1894.

Tipot bil Francuski inzinjer.

Schneider1.jpg

Schneider2.jpg

Schneider3.jpg

Schneider4.jpg

Schneider5.jpg
 
хе..хе
лажно илирче...
анавено е тој што се качува...
тебе ќе ти зоврие главата,ќе ти испаднат очите...
ќе се исфрустрираш...

Pile ti pagja teshko, se naluti... Ne mozish...
Pazi kaj se kacuvash, ke naidesh na tvrdo, pa ke te rascepi...
Pazi pile pazi.
 
pomoderni knigi za laznite iliri..
ALBANO-CAUCASICA PASTORALIA

Admitting the possibility of an earlier form *dalsh, Albanian dash
may be compared to Ossetic (KAVKAZ) dalys (Iron), dalis (Digoron) ‘one year old lamb’, whose origin, in Cheung’s words (2002, 177) “remains a mystery”.
In the first volume of his etymological dictionary Abaev sub voce (p. 342)
merely notices that the word recurrs not only in West-Caucasian (KAVKAZ), as Svan dalisw, dalus ‘young lamb, about 6–12 months old’, but also far from
Caucasus, in the Novgorod dialect of Russian, as davis’ (davisв) ‘yearling’....

ALEKSANDAR LOMA
YU ISSN 0350–185x, LXЗЗ, (2006), p. (31–37)
UDK 811.18’373.6
 
Eve za arbereshite i iminja na semejstva, sela i provincii vo Kalabria.

http://www.aacl.com/Arberesh Villages of Calabria.htm

Eve i neshto drugo shto se odnesuva na ilirite i nivniot jazik vo sporedba so deneshniot albanskijazik.

ren -- re
dard--dardhГ«
toka--tokГ«
las--lesh
mal--mal
vasa--vashГ«
ves--vesh
cuza-cucГ«
nat--natГ«
ara--arrГ«
frim--frymГ«
ra--ra
caj--qaj
nis-nis
roj--rroj
leh--lind (lehem in Geg)
venedi--vendi
hyll--yll
bardi-bardhГ«
fimia-fГ«mijГ«
lissius-lisi
bur, buris в€˜manв€™ [Alb. burrГ« в€˜manв€™]
datan (datas) в€˜place, settlementв€™ [Alb. datГ« в€˜place, settlement]
drenis в€˜deerв€™ [Alb. dre, dreni в€˜deerв€™]
ermas в€˜fierce, madв€™ [Alb. jerm в€˜furious, madв€™]
mezГ©na в€˜a horsemanв€™ [Alb. mes, mezi в€˜stallionв€™, Roman. (substrat) mГ®nz
в€˜stallionв€™]
pupa в€˜hillв€™ [Alb. pupГ« в€˜hillв€™]
rera в€˜stones, stony groundв€™ (from an earlier *lera) [Alb. lerГ«, -a в€˜stones,
fallen stonesв€™]
titha в€˜light, radianceв€™ [morning drita(Г«) в€˜light, dayв€™, Alb. ditГ« в€˜dayв€™]

i....

There is an old Illyrian place called AlbulenГ« that is Alb = white Ule (old
Illyrian) = water or " UjГ« i bardhГ«" today Albanian.
The same derivation has Ulk (old Illyrian) by the name of the ancient city
Ulkinon (today Ulqin) to Ujk that mean wolf.
Albania derives from the same Indo-European source as the name of the Alps,
which also appears in the Scottish "Albainn", for "highlands".
Alternatively, "Albania" may derive from the ancient Indo-European root
*albho, meaning "white", which also gave the name Albion, the ancient name
of England.
The first known occurance of the word Albanoi as the name of an Illyrian
tribe in what is now north-central Albania goes back to 130 AD, in a work of
Ptolemy. Albanopolis of the Albani is a place located on the map of Ptolemy
and also named on an ancient family epitaph at Scupi (near Skopje) , which
has been identified with the ZgГ«rdhesh hill-fort near Kruja in northern
Albania. Arbanon is likely to be the name of a district - the plain of the
Mat has been suggested - rather than a particular place. An indication of
movement from higher altitudes in a much earlier period has been detected in
the distribution of place-names ending in -esh that appears to derive from
the latin -enisis or -esis, between the Shkumbin and the Mat rivers, with a
concentration between Elbasan and Kruja.
The term "Albanoi" may have been slowly spread to other Illyrian tribes
until its usage became universal among all the Albanian people. According to
the Albanian scholar FaГЇk bey Konitza, the term "Albania" did not displace
"Illyria" completely until the end of the fourteenth century. The word
"Alba" or "Arba" seems to be connected with the town Arba (modern Rab,
Croatia), in prehistoric times inhabited by the semi-Illyrian Liburnians,
first mentioned in 360 BC.
Approximately a millennium later, some Byzantine writers used the words
"Albanon" and "Arbanon" to indicate the region of Kruja. Under the Angevine
rulers, in the 13th century, the names "Albania" and "Albanenses" indicated
the whole country and all the population, as is demonstrated by the works of
many ancient Albanian writers such as Budi, Blanco and Bogdano. We first
learn of Albanians in their native land as the Arbanites of Arbanon in Anna
Comnenas' account (Alexiad 4) of the troubles in that region caused by the
Normans during the reign of her father Alexius I Comneus (1081-1118). In the
History written in 1079-1080, Byzantine historian Michael Attaliates was
first to refer to the Albanoi as having taken part in a revolt against
Constantinople in 1043 and to the Arbanitai as subjects of the duke of
Dyrrachium. The Italo-Albanians and the Albanian minorities still present in
Greece have been known by different names over time: ArbГ«nuer, ArbГ«nor,
ArbГ«neshГ«, ArbreshГ«, ArbГ«reshГ«.
There seems to be no doubt that the root alb- or arb- is earlier than
shqip-, from which the modern name of the state (ShqipГ«ria) derives, a name
which appears only in the time of the Turkish invasions. The Albanian name
of the country, ShqipГ«ria, translates into English as "Land of the Eagles",
hence the two-headed bird on the national flag and emblem, and because of
the large presence of these animals in the mountainous zones of Albania.
Albanian names, like all nouns, appear under two forms "indefinite" and
"definite". Hence TiranГ«/Tirana, KrujГ«/Kruja, Elbasan/Elbasani,
Durrës/Durrësi∦ The definite form is the equivalent of adding the article
"the" in front of the noun. The common scholarly usage is to mention
feminine names in the definite form, while the masculine are mentioned in
the indefinite: Tirana, Kruja, Elbasan, DurrГ«s, etc. But it is not always
the case.
Since Albanian territories have long been under foreign rule, historical
documents may mention Albanian place-names in their Greek, Latin, Italian
(Venetian), Turkish, Slavic, or even French versions. For instance, DurrГ«s
has been called Dyrrachion, Dyrrachium, Durazzo, DraГ§, Drac and Duras.
Another source of confusion from historical sources may come from a
transformation of "-n-" into "-r-", called "rhotacism", which took place in
the Southern (Tosk) dialects and prevails in the literary language. Hence,
the Greek/Latin "Avlona" which gave the Italian Valona" is now "Vlora".



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Our earliest mentioning is in the 200 Anno Domini - 4 centuries before the
arrival of the Serbs. They are mentioned as Albanoi, which is thought to
mean 'white' - ironically, the Illyrian name for the tribe was parthini, and
the first part -parth resembles our modern word -bardh, meaning precisely
white, whereas the suffix -ini resembles our suffix -inj, defining the word
as smth plural, i.e. Parthians, Parthinj.
That we're an autochtonous nation in the Balkans is not even disputed among
prominent Serb intellectuals and historians. The only dispute is whether
we're Illyrian or Thracian, which in relation to our autochtony in Kosova
(ancient Dardania) is irrelevant, since ancient Kosova was home to both
Illyrians as well as Thracians, as is confirmed by ancient toponyms. But
whilst Serb and Bulgarian historians have advocated a Thracian or/and Dacian
origins of our people, most others have supported the Illyrian thesis, to
the point where now only Serbs seem to favor the Thracian alternative. The
Croat historian and Illyrologist Aleksandar Stipcevic formulates himself
rather well when he states following;
 
The result achieved by workers in different disciplines in recent decades
have reduced the importance of the work that relied on now obsolete
linguistc evidence, and have made the autochthony of the Albanians, i.e.
increasingly indisputable.


Nevertheless, the number of researchers still today refusing to take into
consideration the many arguments supplied by different academic disciplines
has shrunk, or, more accurately, absolutely the only researchers who deny
the theory of Albanian autochthony are Serbian.

Source
Here's one Serbian document mentioning us in the 12th century, an extract
from the Dusanova Zakonik;

A brawl between villages, fifty perpers, (one perper was worth six gold
francs); but between Vlachs and Albanians, one hundred perpers.

Here are some more quotes;
Quote:
In the II Century BC, the geographer and astronomer from Alexandria, Ptolemy
drafted a map of remarkable significance for the history of Illyria. This
map shows the city of Albanopolisi (located south of DurrГ«s), from which the
Albanians were later on to be identified by the world.

Quote:
The first mention of Albanians in the region corresponding to modern Albania
is as the Arbanites of Arbanon in Anna Commenas account of the troubles in
that region caused in the reign of her father Alexius I Comneus (1081- 1110)
by the Normans. (The Alexiad The Alexiad is a book written around the year
1148 by the Byzantine historian Anna Comnena, the daughter of Emperor
Alexius I. She describe the political and military history Byzantine Empire
during the reign of her father (1081-1110) , making it one of the most
important sources of information on the Byzantines of the Middle Ages....

Quote:
In в€˜Historyв€™ written in 1079-1080, Byzantine historian Michael Attaliates
was first to refer to the "Albanoi" as having taken part in a revolt against
Constantinople in 1043 and to the Arbanitai as subjects of the duke of
Dyrrachium.

Quote:
1285 in Dubrovnik (Ragusa) where a sizeable Albanian community had existed
for some time. In the investigation of a robbery in the house of Petro del
Volcio of Belena (now Prati), a certain Matthew, son of Mark of ManГ§e, who
appears to have been witness to the crime, states: "Audivi unam vocem
clamantem in monte in lingua albanesca" (I heard a voice crying in the
mountains in the Albanian language).

Link
Our first mentioning is in the 2th century AD, four centuries before the
Serb arrival in the Balkans. It's from that Illyrian tribe (the Albanoi) we
received our ethnonym. They were mentioned by the Greek geographer Ptolemy
Claudius of Alexandria, in his work Geographia, as situated near the modern
capital Tirana;
Our own medieval term for ourselves wasn't Albanian with the letter 'l', but
Arberesh or Arberor or Arban, with 'r', from whence the Slav term 'Arbanas'
and Greek term 'Arvanites' came from, when they referred to us. This name
stems also from the Illyrian era;
Quote:
In the II Century BC, in the History of the World, written by Polybius,
there is mention of a city named Arbon in present day central Albania. The
people who lived there were called Arbanios and Arbanitai.

This mention of us is in the IIth century BC - 8 centuries before the
arrival of the Serbs. I It doesn't end there though;
Quote:
In the I Century AD, Pliny the Elder mentions an Illyrian tribe named
Olbonenses.

The first century Anno Domini - five centuries before the Serbs' arrival.
Replace the letter 'o' with 'a' and you'll get (*surprise* *surprise*)
Albonenses or Albanenses!!! And finally;
Quote:
In the II Century AD, Ptolemy, the geographer and astronomer from
Alexandria, drafted a map of remarkable significance for the history of
Illyria. This map shows the city of Albanopolis (located south of DurrГ«s).
Ptolemy also mentions the Illyrian tribe named Albanoi, who lived around
this city.
 
Link
Here is something that shows continuation of Illyrian culture

Another continuation of culture is the law of canon or kanun...which was the
natural law the Albanians lived for centuries, it is believed to be a older
law than the time of Skenderbe since the kanun of Skenderbe, or Leke
Dukagjini, and the southern Albanian kanun were basically the same!
Perendi
The Albanian thunder god of Illyrian origin. He is the consort of Prende,
the goddess of love. Perendi is identical with the Lithuanian Perkunas and the Latvian Perkons.
 
Tu parle francais? Je no :D And wnglish is not allowed too, but мојут нешо да преведиш? Најважното? o.0
 
fierychariot1.jpg


Шпиро, ај доста тресеш зелени, прошетај малце, еве го ИЛИ или ИЛИЈА (сонцето) Сите антички личности кои го претставуваат сонцето се на овој начин претставени. За разлика шкипоните немаат ништо со ова.

И доста кењање во празно, покажи некој археолошки наод. Ајде покажи археолошки наод од твоите илири.

Реши се што си, илир, дардан, епирец, далматинец, ШТО ????

А за Македонија и Мајката Божица, џабе везеш.

Освен туристички атракции и Македонска носија , нема да најдеш ништо друго .
Поентата :
Кога Албанија ќе биде спремна официјално да ги анализира артефактите , тогаш ќе пишува историја . А сега ти се базираш по политичка историја , свесно избегнувајки ги научните аргументи .
Тоа не е начин на дискусија .
Албанскиот јазик во себе содржи :
Македонски , латински и Англо - саксонски ...
Јазикот на Гегите како што и самиот знаеш е малку поинакув .И во менталитет се разликуваат и во физиономија .
За да бидеш припадник на еден етнос потребно е запазување на култот .
Каде ги смести Мијаците !?

Секое име би требало да има и значење нели ?... На албански значи звезда : IL,YLL,ILLY. Значи , HYLUS=ILI=YLLI = ILLYRIA

http://www.thealbanians.com/archeology/index.htm

Кое е сонце бе, црни ти. Ти дадов наод кој е постар од сите идиоти овде, а кој е Македонски и немате контра аргумент.

А за сонцето постоеле симболи, како овој долу, само дали ке го разбереш. Тие пред 5000 години го разбирале

Crkpecat.JPG

Нема докази,дека слонцето на тиа чинии кои показах погоре е САМО на античните македонци.Слонцето е било божество и за траки и за други народи.

Абе човек зарем ти со мене се расправаш дали симболот е чисто Мак или не. Па читај се, јас реков дека сонцето е антички симбол и сите го користеле. Јас никогаш не напишав дека е само МАК симбол.

Сонцето е симбол на праисторискиот човек, тоа било централно божество кое ги детерминирало годишните времиња и .....

Значи за едно сме согласни речиси сите... сонцето е симбол на илирите,македонците,траките,фригите... ок

Еве да ви удрам еден печат за крај на кретенските обиди на шпиро да ја протне на мала врата теоријата за преселбата на словените.


kontinuitetmb7.jpg


На сликата горе е симболот на ВЕЧНОСТА, го има во Македонија од праисторија па до денес. Воедно тој е доказ и за нашиот континуитет. Го има од антички пари, чаши, украси ... до народната носија, на надгробни плочи, дрворез ... Тој претставува нешто како добар пат или иднина, вечен кружен тек (повторување), а може да биде и розета или пак варијанта на свастика.

Еве и државата го стави на новогодишна честитка

id6.jpg


Општо познато е дека словените се населиле на балканот во 6,7 век... а најголемата гршка (глупост) на некои "македонски" историчари е тоа што ги поврзуваат античките македонци со словените...сега испаѓа дека или им е измиен мозокот или платени се за тоа...

Ако сакате да разговараме отворено, ќе треба да дадете археолошки материјал, не само белосветска пропаганда за уништување на Македонецот со цел остварување свои потреби.

http://www.thealbanians.com/archeology/index.htm

Тако сум согласен,види ТРН шо е напишал поназад и ке разбереш,зашто каjувам.Согласем се со тебе.

ОК одиме понатаму...


Дека така те учеле...

ANAVENO LI E IZVOROT?

Прегледај го приврзокот 4998

Komedija:)
Treba da te ubacat K-15, da skecirash so niv.

Не е крив/а така го учат(учеле)

којзнае каде биле..никој никогаш не нашол трага од нив од прочуеното пливање...
ама затоа...пред тоа..
Carpathian Obsidian in Aegean Macedonia

Kilikoglou V.a, Bassiakos Y.a, Grimanis A. P.a, Souvatzis K.aPilali-Papasteriou A.b and Papanthimou-Papaefthimiou A.b
a Laboratory of Archaeometry, N.C.S.R. “Demokritos” Aghia Paraskevi, 15310, Attiki, Greece
b Department of Archaeology, University of Thessaloniki, 54006, Thessaloniki, Greece
Received 1 August 1994; accepted 25 May 1995. ; Available online 22 April 2002.

Abstract

The excavations at Mandalo in Aegean Macedonia, have produced a remarkably high number of obsidian objects, dated to the late Neolithic and early Bronze Age. Eleven of these samples were analysed by instrumental neutron activation for 19 minor and trace elements, in order to determine their provenance. It was found that all Neolithic and one Bronze Age samples came from the Carpathian 1 source, while another Early Bronze Age sample came from the Demenegaki source in Melos. The overlap between Carpathian and Melian obsidian distributions is evidence for interactions of ancient Macedonia with central Europe and the Aegean. Also, according to this finding, the Carpathian distribution pattern has now been extended for another 400 km to the south, from Vina to Mandalo.

очигледно,некои оделе одамна на гурбет..

п.с.лажни илири..учете што е археологија,лингвистика,днк,х-реј,спреј,оти ми идет смеј...

Значи испитувањата покажале дека пронајдените примероци од неолитот и бронзената доба во егејска македонија се донесени од карпатите ... (ова од текстот на англиски)... Тоа значи дека словените од карпатите имале развиена култура пред неолитот ама во 3век п.н.е. или и порано повеќе им се допаѓал балканот па дошле тука со се покуќнина (ова на шала зошто многу ми е смешно) немој некој друг да ве слушне нема да ви се смеат, ќе ве жалат...


Пикасо ај те молам преведи нешто од текстов, или најди барем копија на англиски ,сигурно е познат и преведен на англиски стручњакот...:helou:

Ние се утепавме тука од постирање вистински книги од старите времиња, се трудиме да најдеме некоја спојка...QUOTE]

спојки се бараат и вака

вредат повеќе од сите ваши книги,впрочем,само тоа и го имате,исто како и децата што си веруваат во бајките,...
а ја па се утепав постирање вистински книги од најстарите времиња,па и од новиве времиња гени,како голем избор на мени,кои јасно ве СПОЈУВААТ со КАВКАЗ...

линков не ти се отвора, ќе пробам пак... сега не ми е јасно твоево мислење , ние сме дошле од карпатите... значи илирите,македонците живееле на балканот во античко време,оние пелазгите,варварите што го изградиле акропол и една страна на партенон, зборувале на оној јазик што грците го нарекуваат антички (грчки) јазик (општо мислење ма светски стручњаци)... е сега,по твое овие живееле на карпатите а од таму па дошле словените тука ??? :tapp: значи дури во античко време грците ги преселувале другите народи на карпатите, она познатото размена на населението хмм... аман ! ќе ме слушне некој ...


pomoderni knigi za laznite iliri..
ALBANO-CAUCASICA PASTORALIA

Admitting the possibility of an earlier form *dalsh, Albanian dash
may be compared to Ossetic (KAVKAZ) dalys (Iron), dalis (Digoron) ‘one year old lamb’, whose origin, in Cheung’s words (2002, 177) “remains a mystery”.
In the first volume of his etymological dictionary Abaev sub voce (p. 342)
merely notices that the word recurrs not only in West-Caucasian (KAVKAZ), as Svan dalisw, dalus ‘young lamb, about 6–12 months old’, but also far from
Caucasus, in the Novgorod dialect of Russian, as davis’ (davisв) ‘yearling’....

ALEKSANDAR LOMA
YU ISSN 0350–185x, LXЗЗ, (2006), p. (31–37)
UDK 811.18’373.6

Ок,во кавказ DALIS I DALUS, значи челик и ламба и ти го споредуваш со албанскиот DASH... ај ќе кажеме зборот е сличен ама твојот проблем е што DASH на албански е име за овен... каде ја гледаш поврзаноста ???

Link
Here is something that shows continuation of Illyrian culture

Another continuation of culture is the law of canon or kanun...which was the
natural law the Albanians lived for centuries, it is believed to be a older
law than the time of Skenderbe since the kanun of Skenderbe, or Leke
Dukagjini, and the southern Albanian kanun were basically the same!
Perendi
The Albanian thunder god of Illyrian origin. He is the consort of Prende,
the goddess of love. Perendi is identical with the Lithuanian Perkunas and the Latvian Perkons.

За канунот и континуитетот на илирската култура понатаму ќе дискутираме односно при крај... а за ова перенди прв пат слушам...
 
ШТО БАРА БОГОМИЛОТ ГЛОГОВАЦ ВО ПОЗНАТИ АЛБАНЦИ !?
 
ЖИВОТОТ НА PIRRO\PYRRHUS -ОРЕЛОТ/SHQIPJA


создавање на кралството Епир и симболот на орелот




Plutarch, The Parallel Lives

p347 The Life of Pyrrhus

1 Historians tell us that the first king of the Thesprotians and Molossians after the flood was Phaethon, one of those who came into Epeirus with Pelasgus; but some say that Deucalion and Pyrrha established the sanctuary at Dodona and dwelt there among the Molossians. 2 In after time, however, Neoptolemus the son of Achilles, bringing a people with him, got possession of the country for himself, and left a line of kings descending from him. These were called after him Pyrrhidae; for he had the surname of Pyrrhus in his boyhood, and of his legitimate children by Lanassa, the daughter of Cleodaeus the son of Hyllus, one was named by him Pyrrhus. Consequently Achilles also obtained divine honours in Epeirus, under the native name of Aspetus. 3 But the kings who followed in this line soon lapsed into barbarism and became quite obscure, both in their power and in their lives, and it was Tharrhypas, historians say, who first introduced Greek customs and letters and regulated his cities by humane laws, thereby acquiring for himself a name. Alcetas was a son of Tharrhypas, Arybas of Alcetas, and of Arybas and Troas, Aeacides. 3 He married Phthia, the daughter of Menon the Thessalian, a man who won high repute at the time of the Lamian war1 and acquired the highest authority p349among the confederates after Leosthenes. Phthia bore to Aeacides two daughters, Deпdameia and Troas, and a son, Pyrrhus.
2 But factions arose among the Molossians, and expelling Aeacides they brought into power the sons of Neoptolemus.2 The friends of Aeacides were then seized and put to death, but Pyrrhus, who was still a babe and was sought for by the enemy, was stolen away by Androcleides and Angelus, who took to flight. However, they were obliged to take along with them a few servants, and women for the nursing of the child, and on this account their flight was laborious and slow and they were overtaken. 2 They therefore entrusted the child to Androcleion, Hippias, and Neander, sturdy and trusty young men, with orders to fly with all their might and make for Megara, a Macedonian town; while they themselves, partly by entreaties and partly by fighting, stayed the course of the pursuers until late in the evening. 3 After these had at last been driven back, they hastened to join the men who were carrying Pyrrhus. The sun had already set and they were near their hoped-for refuge, when suddenly they found themselves cut off from it by the river which flowed past the city. This had a forbidding and savage look, and when they tried to cross it, proved altogether impassable. For its current was greatly swollen and violent from rains that had fallen, and the darkness made everything more formidable. 4 Accordingly, they gave up trying to cross unaided, since they were carrying the child and the women who cared for the child; and perceiving some of the people of the country standing on the further bank, they p351besought their help in crossing, and showed them Pyrrhus, with loud cries and supplications. But the people on the other side could not hear them for the turbulence and splashing of the stream, and so there was delay, 5 one party shouting what the other could not understand, until some one bethought himself of a better way. He stripped off a piece of bark from a tree and wrote thereon with a buckle-pin a message telling their need and the fortune of the child; then he wrapped the bark about a stone, which he used to give force to his cast, and threw it to the other side. Some say, however, that it was a javelin about which he wrapped the bark, and that he shot it across. 6 Accordingly, when those on the other side had read the message and saw that no time was to be lost, they cut down trees, lashed them together, and made their way across. As chance would have it, the first of them to make his way across was named Achilles; he took Pyrrhus in his arms, and the rest of the fugitives were conveyed across by others in one way or another.
 
3 Having thus outstripped their pursuers and reached a place of safety, the fugitives betook themselves to Glaucias the king of the Illyrians; and finding him sitting at home with his wife, they put the little child down on the floor before them. Then the king began to reflect. He was in fear of Cassander, who was an enemy of Aeacides, and held his peace a long time as he took counsel with himself. 2 Meanwhile Pyrrhus, of his own accord, crept across the floor, clutched the king's robe, and pulled himself on to his feet at the knees of Glaucias, who was moved at first to laughter, then to pity, as he saw the child clinging to his knees and weeping like a formal p353suppliant. Some say, however, that the child did not supplicate Glaucias, but caught hold of an altar of the gods and stood there with his arms thrown round it, and that Glaucias thought this a sign from Heaven. 3 Therefore he at once put Pyrrhus in the arms of his wife, bidding her rear him along with their children; and a little while after, when the child's enemies demanded his surrender, and Cassander offered two hundred talents for him, Glaucias would not give him up, but after he had reached the age of twelve years, actually conducted him back into Epeirus with an armed force and set him upon the throne there.
4 In the aspect of his countenance Pyrrhus had more of the terror than of the majesty of kingly power. He had not many teeth, but his upper jaw was one continuous bone, on which the usual intervals between the teeth were indicated by slight depressions. People of a splenetic habit believed that he cured their ailment; he would sacrifice a white cock, and, while the patient lay flat upon his back, would press gently with his right foot against the spleen. Nor was any one so obscure or poor as not to get this healing service from him if he asked it. 5 The king would also accept the cock after he had sacrificed it, and this honorarium was most pleasing to him. It is said, further, that the great toe of his right foot had a divine virtue, so that after the rest of his body had been consumed, this was found to be untouched and unharmed by the fire. These things, however, belong to a later period.
4 When he had reached the age of seventeen years3 and was thought to be firmly seated on his p355throne, it came to pass that he went on a journey, when one of the sons of Glaucias, with whom he had been reared, was married. Once more, then, the Molossians banded together, drove out his friends, plundered his property, and put themselves under Neoptolemus.4 2 Pyrrhus, thus stripped of his realm and rendered destitute of all things, joined himself to Demetrius the son of Antigonus, who had his sister Deпdameia to wife. She, while she was still a girl, had been nominally given in marriage to Alexander, Roxana's son; but their affairs miscarried, and when she was of age Demetrius married her.5 3 In the great battle which all the kings fought at Ipsus6 Pyrrhus was present, and took part with Demetrius, though still a stripling. He routed the enemy opposed to him, and made a brilliant display of valour among the combatants. Moreover, though Demetrius lost the day, Pyrrhus did not abandon him, but kept guard over his cities in Greece which were entrusted to him,7 and when Demetrius made peace with Ptolemy, sailed to Egypt as hostage for him. 4 Here, both in hunting and in bodily exercises, he gave Ptolemy proof of his prowess and endurance, and seeing that among the wives of Ptolemy it was Berenicј who had the greatest influence and was foremost in virtue and understanding, he paid especial court to her. He was adept at turning to his own advantage the favour of his superiors, just as he was inclined to look down upon his inferiors, and since he was orderly and restrained in his ways of living, he was selected from among many young p357princes as a husband for Antigone, one of the daughters of Berenicј, whom she had by Philip8 before her marriage with Ptolemy.
5After this marriage he was held in still greater esteem, and since Antigone was an excellent wife to him, he brought it to pass that he was sent into Epeirus with money and an army to regain his kingdom. Most people there were glad to see him come, owing to their hatred of Neoptolemus, who was a stern and arbitrary ruler. However, fearing lest Neoptolemus should have recourse to one of the other kings, he came to terms and made friendship with him on the basis of a joint exercise of the royal power. 2 But as time went on there were people who secretly exasperated them against one another and filled them with mutual suspicions. The chief ground, however, for action on the part of Pyrrhus is said to have its origin as follows.
It was customary for the kings, after sacrificing to Zeus Areius at Passaro, a place in the Molossian land, to exchange solemn oaths with the Epeirots, the kings swearing to rule according to the laws, and the people to maintain the kingdom according to the laws. 3 Accordingly, this was now done; both the kings were present, and associated with one another, together with their friends, and many gifts were interchanged. Here Gelon, a man devoted to Neoptolemus, greeted Pyrrhus in a friendly manner and made him a present of two yoke of oxen for ploughing. Pyrrhus was asked for these by Myrtilus, his cup-bearer; and when Pyrrhus would not give them to him, but gave them to another, Myrtilus was deeply resentful. 4 This did not escape the notice of p359Gelon, who therefore invited Myrtilus to supper, and even, as some say, enjoyed his youthful beauty as they drank; then he reasoned with him and urged him to become an adherent of Neoptolemus and to destroy Pyrrhus by poison. Myrtilus accepted the proposal, pretending to approve of it and to be persuaded, but informed Pyrrhus. He also, by the king's orders, presented Alexicrates, the king's chief cup-bearer, to Gelon, assuring him that he would take part in their enterprise; for Pyrrhus wished to have several persons who could testify to the intended crime. 5 Thus Gelon was thoroughly deceived, and Neoptolemus as well, and as thoroughly, who, supposing that the plot was duly progressing, could not keep it to himself, but in his joy would talk about it to his friends. Once, in particular, after a revel at the house of his sister Cadmeia, he fell to prattling about the matter, supposing that no one would hear the conversation but themselves; for no one else was near except Phaenarete, the wife of Samon, a man who managed the flocks and herds of Neoptolemus, and Phaenarete was lying on a couch with her face to the wall and seemed to be asleep. 6 But she heard everything, and next day went unobserved to Antigone the wife of Pyrrhus, and told her all that she had heard Neoptolemus say to his sister. When Pyrrhus learned of it, he kept quiet for a time, but on a day of sacrifice invited Neoptolemus to supper and killed him. 7 For he was aware that the chief men among the Epeirots were devoted to himself and were eager to see him rid himself of Neoptolemus; also that they wished him not to content himself with having a small share of the kingdom, but to follow his natural bent and p361attempt greater things, and, now that some suspicion had added its weight to other motives for the deed, to anticipate Neoptolemus by taking him off first.
6 And now, in honour of Berenicј and Ptolemy, he gave the name of Ptolemy to his infant son by Antigone, and called the city which he had built on the peninsula of Epeirus, Berenicis. After this, he began to revolve many large projects in his mind; but his hopes were fixed first and more especially on undertakings close at hand, and he found a way to take direct part in Macedonian affairs, on grounds something like the following.
2 Of Cassander's sons, the elder, Antipater, killed his mother Thessalonicј and drove away his brother Alexander.9 Alexander sent to Demetrius begging for help, and also called upon Pyrrhus. Demetrius was delayed by matters that he had in hand; but Pyrrhus came, and demanded as a reward for his alliance Stymphaea and Parauaea in Macedonia, and, of the countries won by the allies, Ambracia, Acarnania, and Amphilochia. 3 The youthful Alexander gave way to his demands, and Pyrrhus took possession of these countries and held them for himself with garrisons; he also proceeded to strip from Antipater the remaining parts of his kingdom and turn them over to Alexander. Now Lysimachus the king, who was eager to give aid to Antipater, was fully occupied himself and could not come in person; but knowing that Pyrrhus was desirous to do Ptolemy every favour and refuse him nothing, he sent a forged letter to him which stated that Ptolemy urged him to give up his expedition on payment of three hundred talents from Antipater. 4 As soon as Pyrrhus opened the p363letter he perceived the fraud of Lysimachus; for the letter did not have the customary address, "The father, to the son, health and happiness," but instead, "King Ptolemy, to King Pyrrhus, health and happiness." Pyrrhus reviled Lysimachus for the fraud, but nevertheless made the desired peace, and they all met to ratify it with sacrificial oaths. 5 However, after a bull, a boar, and a ram had been brought up for sacrifice, of its own accord the ram fell down dead. The rest of the spectators were moved to laughter, but Theodotus the seer prevented Pyrrhus from taking the oath by declaring that Heaven thus betokened in advance the death of one of the three kings. In this way, then, Pyrrhus was led to renounce the peace.
 
7 Thus Alexander's affairs were already settled with the help of Pyrrhus, but nevertheless Demetrius came to him; and as soon as he arrived it was plain that he was not wanted, and he inspired only fear; and after they had been together a few days their mutual distrust led them to plot against each other. But Demetrius, taking advantage of his opportunity, got beforehand with the young prince and slew him, and was proclaimed king of Macedonia.10 2 Now, even before this there had been differences between him and Pyrrhus, and Pyrrhus had overrun Thessaly;11 and greed for power, the natural disease of dynasties, made them formidable and suspicious neighbours, and all the more after the death of Deпdameia. And now that both of them had occupied part of Macedonia, they came into collision, and their quarrel was furnished with stronger grounds. 3 Demetrius therefore p365made an expedition against the Aetolians and conquered them, and then, leaving Pantauchus there with a large force, he himself moved against Pyrrhus, and Pyrrhus, when he heard of it, against him. Owing to a mistake in the way, however, they passed by one another, and Demetrius, throwing his forces into Epeirus, plundered the country, while Pyrrhus, encountering Pantauchus, joined battle with him.12 4 There was a sharp and terrible conflict between the soldiers who engaged, and especially also between the leaders. For Pantauchus, who was confessedly the best of the generals of Demetrius for bravery, dexterity, and vigour of body, and had both courage and a lofty spirit, challenged Pyrrhus to a hand-to‑hand combat; and Pyrrhus, who yielded to none of the kings in daring and prowess, and wished that the glory of Achilles should belong to him by right of valour rather than of blood alone, advanced through the foremost fighters to confront Pantauchus. 5 At first they hurled their spears, then, coming to close quarters, they plied their swords with might and skill. Pyrrhus got one wound, but gave Pantauchus two, one in the thigh, and one along the neck, and put him to flight and overthrew him; he did not kill him, however, for his friends haled him away. Then the Epeirots, exalted by the victory of their king and admiring his valour, overwhelmed and cut to pieces the phalanx of the Macedonians, pursued them as they fled, slew many of them, and took five thousand of them alive.13
8 This conflict did not fill the Macedonians with wrath and hate towards Pyrrhus for their losses, rather it led those who beheld his exploits p367and engaged him in the battle to esteem him highly and admire his bravery and talk much about him. For they likened his aspect and his swiftness and all his motions to those of the great Alexander, and thought they saw in him shadows, as it were, and intimations of that leader's impetuosity and might in conflicts.14 The other kings, they said, represented Alexander with their purple robes, their body-guards, the inclination of their necks,15 and their louder tones in conversation; but Pyrrhus, and Pyrrhus alone, in arms and action.
2 Of his knowledge and ability in the field of military tactics and leadership one may get proofs from the writings on these subjects which he left. It is said also that Antigonus, when asked who was the best general, "Pyrrhus, if he lives to be old." This verdict of Antigonus applied only to his contemporaries. Hannibal, however, declared that the foremost of all generals in experience and ability was Pyrrhus, that Scipio was second, and he himself third, as I have written in my life of Scipio.16 3 And in a word, Pyrrhus would seem to have been always and continually studying and meditating upon this one subject, regarding it as the most kingly branch of learning; the rest he regarded as mere accomplishments and held them in no esteem. For instance, we are told that when he was asked at a drinking-party whether he thought Python or Caphisias the better flute-player, he replied that Polysperchona was a good general, implying that it became a king to investigate and understand such matters only.
p369 4 He was also kind towards his familiar friends, and mild in temper, but eager and impetuous in returning favours. At any rate, when Aeropus died, he was distressed beyond measure, declaring that Aeropus had indeed only suffered what was common to humanity, but that he blamed and reviled himself because he had always delayed and moved slowly in the matter and so had not returned his friend's favour. For the debts due to one's creditors can be paid back to their heirs; but if the favours received from friends are not returned while those friends can be sensible of the act, it is an affliction to a just and good man. 5 Again, in Ambracia there was a fellow who denounced and reviled him, and people thought that Pyrrhus ought to banish him. "Let him remain here," said Pyrrhus, "and speak ill of us among a few, rather than carry his slanders round to all mankind." And again, some young fellows indulged in abuse of him over their cups, and were brought to task for it. Pyrrhus asked them if they had said such things, and when one of them replied, "We did, O King; and we should have said still more than this if we had had more wine." Pyrrhus laughed and dismissed them.17
9 In order to enlarge his interests and power he married several wives after the death of Antigone. He took to wife, namely, a daughter of Autoleon, king of the Paeonians; Bircenna, the daughter of Bardyllis the Illyrian; and Lanassa, the daughter of Agathocles of Syracuse, who brought him as her dowry the city of Corcyra, which had been captured by Agathocles. By Antigone he had a son Ptolemy, p371Alexander by Lanassa, and Helenus, his youngest son, by Bircenna. 2 He brought them all up to be brave in arms and fiery, and he whetted them for this from their very birth. It is said, for instance, that when he was asked by one of them, who was still a boy, to whom he should leave his kingdom, he replied: "To that one of you who keeps his sword the sharpest." This, however, meant nothing less than the famous curse of Oedipus in the tragedy;18 that "with whetted sword," and not by lot, the brothers should "divide the house." So savage and ferocious is the nature of rapacity.
 
10 After this battle Pyrrhus returned to his home rejoicing in the splendour which his fame and lofty spirit had brought him; and when he was given the surname of "Eagle" by the Epeirots, "Through you," he said, "am I an eagle; why, pray, should I not be? It is by your arms that I am borne aloft as by swift pinions." But a little while later, learning that Demetrius was dangerously sick, he suddenly threw an army into Macedonia, intending merely to overrun and plunder some parts of it. 2 Yet he came within a little of mastering the whole country and getting the kingdom without a battle; for he marched on as far as Edessa without opposition from anyone, and many actually joined his forces and shared his expedition. And now Demetrius himself was roused by the peril to act beyond his strength, while his friends and commanders in a short time collected many soldiers and set out with zeal and vigour against Pyrrhus. Pyrrhus, however, had come more for plunder than anything else, and would not stand his ground, but fled, losing a part of his army on the march, under the attacks of the Macedonians.
p373 3 However, because Demetrius had easily and speedily driven Pyrrhus out of the country, he did not leave him to his own devices, but now that he had determined to undertake a great enterprise and to recover his father's realm with a hundred thousand soldiers and five hundred ships, he did not wish to have collisions with Pyrrhus, nor yet to leave behind in him an enterprising and troublesome neighbour for the Macedonians. He wished, rather, since he had no time to wage war against Pyrrhus, to come to terms and make peace with him, and then turn his arms against the other kings. 4 But after an agreement had been made between them for these reasons, the purpose of Demetrius became apparent, as well as the magnitude of his preparations, and the kings, in alarm, kept sending to Pyrrhus messengers and letters,19 expressing their amazement that he should let slip his own opportunity for making war and wait for Demetrius to seize his; and that when he was able to drive Demetrius out of Macedonia, since he was now much occupied and disturbed, he should await the time when his adversary, at his leisure and after he had become great, could wage a decisive struggle with him for the sanctuaries and tombs of the Molossian land, an adversary who had just robbed him of Corcyra, and his wife besides. 5 For Lanassa, who found fault with Pyrrhus for being more devoted to his barbarian wives than to her, had retired to Corcyra, whither, since she desired a royal marriage, she invited Demetrius, understanding that he, of all the kings, was most readily disposed to marry wives. So Demetrius sailed thither, married Lanassa, and left a garrison in the city.
p375 11 Such letters the kings kept sending to Pyrrhus, and at the same time on their own part they assailed Demetrius while he was still waiting to complete his preparations. Ptolemy sailed up with a great fleet and tried to bring the Greek cities to revolt, while Lysimachus invaded upper Macedonia from Thrace and ravaged the country. So Pyrrhus, taking the field at the same time with these, marched against Beroea, expecting, as proved to be the case, that Demetrius would go to confront Lysimachus, and thus leave the lower country unprotected. 2 That night Pyrrhus dreamed that he was called by Alexander the Great, and that when he answered the call he found the king lying on a couch, but met with kindly speech and friendly treatment from him, and received a promise of his ready aid and help. "And how, O King," Pyrrhus ventured to ask, "when thou art sick, canst thou give me aid and help?" "My name itself will give it," said the king, and mounting a Nisaean horse he led the way.
3 This vision gave Pyrrhus great assurance, and leading his army with all speed through the intervening districts he took possession of Beroea; then, stationing the greater part of his forces there, he proceeded to subdue the rest of the country through his generals. When Demetrius heard of this, and became aware of a pernicious uproar in his camp on the part of the Macedonians, he was afraid to led them farther on, lest on coming into the neighbourhood of a Macedonian king of great renown they should go over to him. 4 Therefore he turned back and led them against Pyrrhus, with the idea that he was a foreigner and hated by the Macedonians. But after he had pitched his camp over against Pyrrhus, many p377Beroeans came thither with loud praises of Pyrrhus; they said he was invincible in arms and a brilliant hero, and treated his captives with mildness and humanity. There were some also whom Pyrrhus himself sent into the camp; they pretended to be Macedonians, and said that now was the favourable time to rid themselves of Demetrius and his severity, by going over to Pyrrhus, a man who was gracious to the common folk and fond of his soldiers. 5 In consequence of this, the greater part of the army was all excitement, and went about looking for Pyrrhus; for it chanced that he had taken off his helmet, and he was not recognised until he bethought himself and put it on again, when its towering crest and its goat's horns made him known to all. Some of the Macedonians therefore ran to him and asked him for his watchword, and others put garlands of oaken boughs around their heads because they saw the soldiers about him garlanded. 6 And presently even to Demetrius himself certain persons ventured to say that if he quietly withdrew and renounced his undertakings men would think that he had taken wise counsel. He saw that this advice tallied with the agitation in the camp, and was frightened, and secretly stole away, after putting on a broad-brimmed hat and a simple soldier's cloak. So Pyrrhus came up, took the camp without a blow, and was proclaimed king of Macedonia.
12 But now Lysimachus made his appearance, claimed that the overthrow of Demetrius had been the joint work of both, and demanded a division of the kingdom. So Pyrrhus, who did not yet feel entire confidence in the Macedonians, but was still doubtful about them, accepted the proposition of p379Lysimachus, and they divided the cities and the territory with one another. 2 This availed for the present, and prevented war between them, but shortly afterward they perceived that the distribution which they had made did not put an end to their enmity, but gave occasion for complaints and quarrels. For how men to whose rapacity neither sea nor mountain nor uninhabitable desert sets a limit, men to whose inordinate desires the boundaries which separate Europe and Asia put no stop, can remain content with what they have and do one another no wrong when they are in close touch, 3 it is impossible to say. Nay, they are perpetually at war, because plots and jealousies are parts of their natures, and they treat the two words, war and peace, like current coins, using whichever happens to be for their advantage, regardless of justice; for surely they are better men when they wage war openly than when they give the names of justice and friendship to the times of inactivity and leisure which interrupt their work of injustice. 4 And Pyrrhus made this plain; for, setting himself to hinder the growing power of Demetrius, and trying to prevent its recovery, so to speak, from a serious illness, he went to the help of the Greeks and entered Athens. Here he went up to the acropolis and sacrificed to the goddess, then came down again on the same day, and told the people he was well pleased with the confidence and goodwill which they had shown him, but that in future, if they were wise, they would not admit any one of the kings into their city nor open their gates to him. 5 After this, he actually made peace with Demetrius, but in a little while, when Demetrius had p381set out for Asia, he once more took the advice of Lysimachus and tried to bring Thessaly to revolt, besides waging war upon the garrisons of Demetrius in the Greek cities. For he found that the Macedonians were better disposed when they were on a campaign than when they were unoccupied, and he himself was by nature entirely averse to keeping quiet.
But at last, after Demetrius had been wholly overthrown in Syria,20 Lysimachus, who now felt himself secure, and had nothing on his hands, at once set out against Pyrrhus. 6 Pyrrhus was in camp at Edessa, where Lysimachus fell upon his provision trains and mastered them, thus bringing him to straits; then, by letters and conferences he corrupted the leading Macedonians, upbraiding them because they had chosen as lord and master a man who was a foreigner, whose ancestors had always been subject to Macedonia, and were thrusting the friends and familiars of Alexander out of the country. 7 After many had thus been won over, Pyrrhus took alarm and departed with his Epeirots and allied forces, thus losing Macedonia precisely as he got it.21 Whence we see that kings have no reason to find fault with popular bodies for changing sides as suits their interests; for in doing this they are but imitating the kings themselves, who are their teachers in unfaithfulness and treachery, and think him most advantaged who least observes justice.
13 At this time, then, when Pyrrhus had been driven back into Epeirus and had given up Macedonia, Fortune put it into his power to enjoy what he had without molestation, to live in peace, and to p383reign over his own people. But he thought it tedious to the point of nausea if he were not inflicting mischief on others or suffering it at others' hands, and like Achilles could not endure idleness,
"but ate his heart away
Remaining there, and pined for war-cry and battle."22 ....


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