Русија почнува со испорака на с300 на Иран?

^X^

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a be ne zezaj raketite tomahavk vo Srbija uste so kamenja sto ne gi butkaa.
Ќе им помогне србското искуство.
И Србите имаа голем S 125, но овие имаат уште поголем .....S 300. И потврди глави.
 
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Хедрич,
Русите знаат и друга работа, дека ист таков модерен супер таен ПА ракетен систем Израелците демонтираа од Египет и им го доставија на САД. :) Овие Руски закани јас би ги примил со резерва. Меѓутоа точно е дека тој офанзивен систем претставува голема закана за Израел и Сад во моментов. Но да не ја заборавиме и Турција.
Znam ubavo za taa akcija megjutoa toa e odamna.Inaku ne znam kolku si zapoznaen no SAD odamna go imaat kupeno s-300 i go poseduvaat.No problemot e vo toa sto ne mozat da go svatat.Eve kolku godini potoa se uste nemaat sistem ni blisku do s-300.Znaci?Veruvaj sistemot e uzasno kompleksen.Pred nekoe vreme citav edna statija kade glavniot dizajner na ovie sistemi koj pocina pred nekoe vreme duri ponudil na ruskiot drzaven vrv da se prodade s400 na amerikancite za da go finansira svojot nov proekt t.e nova verzija na S....koga se posomnevale deka e predavnik toj objasnil deka s400 e tolku kompleksen sto na amerikancite ke im trebaat godini za da go svatat a za toa vreme Rusite ke izvadat uste 2 novi verzii....
 

jamajka

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Хедрич,
Ете тој момент не сум го знаел. Ок, можда нема техничка документација и треба доста време да се репродуцира и да се свати, или како и да е. Ама па си мислам дека е далеку од тоа да се деси. Тоа се само притисоци. Ако не се лажам, пред извесно време Русија побара да биде дел од Авганистанската мисија, тоест база во Авганистан, па сега вршат притисок. Не ми е некако логично Русија да дозволи Иран толку да ојача. Моќта на Иран ќе биде сигнал муслиманскиот свет да се обедини и тогаш шиитското влијание би се проширило и во самата Русија, на пример Чеченија или во зоните на Руско влијание, како на пример Казахстан, Туркменистан, Киргистан ....
Тоа би било за Русија ко да запалиле шкорче у цистерна со бензин.
Но како и да е времето ќе покаже
 
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Хедрич,
Ете тој момент не сум го знаел. Ок, можда нема техничка документација и треба доста време да се репродуцира и да се свати, или како и да е. Ама па си мислам дека е далеку од тоа да се деси. Тоа се само притисоци. Ако не се лажам, пред извесно време Русија побара да биде дел од Авганистанската мисија, тоест база во Авганистан, па сега вршат притисок. Не ми е некако логично Русија да дозволи Иран толку да ојача. Моќта на Иран ќе биде сигнал муслиманскиот свет да се обедини и тогаш шиитското влијание би се проширило и во самата Русија, на пример Чеченија или во зоните на Руско влијание, како на пример Казахстан, Туркменистан, Киргистан ....
Тоа би било за Русија ко да запалиле шкорче у цистерна со бензин.
Но како и да е времето ќе покаже
Hm ne bi ojacal kojznae kolku barem ne za Rusite.Osven sto bi gi raznisal poziciite na Izrael i SAD Rusite ne gubat nisto_Osven sto ke dobijat aduti vo natamosniot razvoj na situacijata,a posebno okolu preiranjata okolu amerikanskiot raketen stit.Ne zaboravaj deka Rusija ke napravi se za da se oslobodi od stitot taka ne bi me zacudilo nisto pa duri ni da go prodadat sistemov.
 

jamajka

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Хедрич, не воено, но стратешки. Доколку Иран почне да го води главниот збор на Блискиот Исток, може да се очекува дека правецот на неговото влијание ќе се прошири освен према запад ќе биде и према север и исток. Да ти напоменам дека на Балканот Иранското влијание работи во спротивност на Руските влијанија.

Значи моќта на оружјето пред се дава стратешка предност во политичките делувања.
 
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TBILISI, January 5 (RIA Novosti) - Georgia will sign a strategic partnership treaty with the United States on January 9, the Georgian Foreign Ministry said on Monday.
The agreement will be signed in Washington by Georgian Foreign Minister Grigol Vashadze and U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, the Foreign Ministry spokesman said. The signing was originally scheduled for Sunday but was delayed by recent events in the Middle East.
The United States signed a similar deal with Ukraine earlier this month, which along with Georgia is hoping to join NATO. The alliance pledged to boost ties with the two ex-Soviet countries at a ministerial meeting earlier in December, although it did not offer them Membership Action Plans, which provides assistance to countries wishing to join NATO.
The details of the pact have not been announced, but according to preliminary information it will include support for reform in Georgia and strengthening of the country's armed forces.
Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili has said that by establishing a strategic partnership "with the biggest and strongest state in the world ... relations will reach a new level of security not only in Georgia, but in the whole region."
"With the agreement signed Georgia will become stronger and will be able to travel the path to restoring its territorial integrity," he said.
Georgia lost control of Abkhazia and South Ossetia in bloody post-Soviet conflicts in the early 1990s. The two republics, bolstered by Russian peacekeepers, have had de facto independence since then, and have been a bone of contention between Georgia and Russia.
Russia recognized Abkhazia and South Ossetia as independent states on August 26, two weeks after a five-day war with Georgia, triggered by Tbilisi's attack on South Ossetia.
http://en.rian.ru/world/20090105/119371963.html

I kako sea da ne go prodadat s300 Rusite na Iran?:):):)
 
R

RAYTHEON23

Гостин
tor-m1 e moderen sistem a eve nesto za c-300 sistemot e razvivan vo 90-setite togas citav za nego vo M-express ama efikasen e poradi golemiot domet(PMU2ima 90km domet)a i gi koristi site mozni nacini na naveduvanje,imeno koristi tri radari sekoj za razlicna visina vklucuvajki i diplerov potoa ima termovizisko naveduvanje a i najvazno od se e komandnata centrala koja e mobilna(kamion)i cesto se kamuflira
 
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Се замрсува Блискиов исток...


Russia and Iran get strategic
By Sam Gardiner

While many analysts predicted a rosier picture for United States-Iranian relations with the President Barack Obama administration, the situation is rapidly becoming profoundly more difficult and more complicated. The new dimension is Russia.

On February 20, the Russian Federation Security Council and the State Council will approve a new national security strategy to go through 2020. Without saying the "United States", the draft document clearly identifies the United States as Russia's primary rival for the next decade. It goes on to say that the primary focus of the struggle will be for hydrocarbons in some very specific areas. The Middle East and Central Asia are mentioned specifically. In these areas, according to the document, the struggle could develop into a military confrontation.

Russia's last general security document was adopted in 2000 and was much more general than this one about the security objectives of the Russian Federation. The new draft is much more focused and gives indications of future policy directions.

Looking at the developments of the past 90 days through the filter of the new Russian security framework, a clearer picture emerges. It's no longer a question for the United States of whether or not Russia will support additional sanctions on Iran. That won't happen. Russia is on the path to make Iran a strategic partner, a counter to the United States in the regions of rivalry.

The United States falls into a trap in assuming that Russia doesn't want a nuclear-armed Iran. Russian officials repeat over and over that they have no evidence that Iran has a weapons program. US officials discount that statement but shouldn't. The United States needs to remember that Russia has nuclear engineers inside Iran working with the Iranians.

Strategic partnership
There are three examples in the past few months that suggest a strategic partnership: the nuclear power plant at Bushehr, the S-300 missile, and a refinery in Armenia.

The work on the Bushehr nuclear reactor has been punctuated by continuous delay. One almost got the impression that Russia was dragging its feet on purpose. However, Russia appears to have a renewed commitment to the work. Russia recently announced that it was planning to dispatch up to 3,000 technicians there. It's hard to argue that Russia has any interest in punishing Iran for enriching in light of this project.

Although the system hasn't been delivered, the Russians know that the United States and Israel don't want the new air defense capability, the S-300 missile, sold to the Iranians. The Russians seem to have gone ahead anyway. That makes no sense if they share our objective of punishing the Iranians for not suspending their enrichment program.

The refinery in Armenia is not as blatant, but equally meaningful. The discussions between GAZPROM, Russia's gas export monopoly, and Armenia are for a refinery that would serve both Armenia's needs as well as export to Iran. On the top of almost everyone's list for the next level of sanctions against Iran is refined petroleum products; Israel wants it and even Obama suggested it when he gave a speech to the American-Israeli Public Affairs Committee convention last summer. Russia is diminishing the sanctions on refined petroleum in advance of a formal proposal by the United States.

On Friday January 23, Russia and Iran signed an agriculture agreement in Moscow. The Russian Minister of Agriculture called Iran a "strategic partner." Although the agreement is a small step, this is the first time I recall a Russian using that phrase.

Over the weekend, I talked to a member of the defense sub-committee of the House Appropriations Committee. He told me he has had recent conversations with some Iranian officials. They told him the United States has forced Iran in the direction of the Russians. That's certainly consistent with recent developments.

I also exchanged e-mails on this subject with a former European ambassador to Tehran. His made a very interesting point. Iran is the only potential competitor for natural gas to Europe. He said Moscow doesn't want Tehran to get too close to Europe to the point it could jeopardize Europe's dependence on GAZPROM. We've seen the evidence of Russia and GAZPROM leverage over Europe recently.

The consequences of the new Russian security strategy and the developing of a relationship with Iran are very significant. Incentives for the Iranians to agree to anything as a result of talking now have much less value for them. The Iranians haven't changed their behavior with over 30 years of sanctions. With the Russians as a strategic partner, there is no reason to believe any new sanction will be effective.

Another consequence of what we're seeing is an even greater separation between the objectives of the United States and Israel with Russia in the equation. That will make progress with both Iran and the other pressing Middle East issues more difficult for the United States. Israel will have to understand that although the United States supports its security, we have our own interests in the region. Israel must respect those interests.

This isn't a done deal. Even if the Russians want to move to a strategic partnership, a new relationship may not be embraced in Tehran. The Iranians are suspicious of Russia. Iran also wants to be an independent power and not a power in the shadow of Russia.

The new Russian national security strategy is significantly changing the equation in the Middle East for the Obama administration, how they will react is anyone's guess at the moment.

Sam Gardiner, a Foreign Policy In Focus contributor, is a retired US Air Force colonel who has taught military strategy and operations at the National War College, Air War College, and Naval War College.
http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Central_Asia/KA30Ag02.html
 

Славјански

Антички Словен
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У м.м.е. , значи има и други сојузи освен НАТО и ЕУ.
Јас си мислев да сменам молитва од те молам господе во те молам еу и нато, да се свети името твое итн .....

Оваа криза што денеска ја има во светот е собирање на пари за идна војна со Русија и сите неистомисленици со западот.
Се убрзуваат сите процеси, зошто многу не западни земји нагло растат во своите потенцијали.
Ќе биде интересна 2009.
 
R

RAYTHEON23

Гостин
Veruvam deka rusija ke go isporaca na IRAN bidejki reaktorot vo ira e GRADEN od ruska firma i tocno e toa deka e kompleksen proizveden e od almaz antej
eve edna simulacija vo koja veruvam ke uzivate simulacijata e napad na IRAN(ps edvaj ja najdov interesna e)



go imav gledano i porano se nadevam uzivavte:helou::helou::helou::helou::helou::helou:
 
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Иран го лансираше својот прв сателит

Иран го лансираше својот прв сателит

Во понеделникот вечерта Иран го лансираше својот прв сателит во орбитата со ракетата Сафир-2.

Сателиот ќе се користи за истражување и телекомуникации.

Ова не е прв Ирански сателит, претходниот Sina-1 го лансираа русите во Октомври 2005 година.


-----------------------------------------------------------

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/7866357.stm

Iran has launched its first domestically made satellite into orbit, state media reports.
TV commentary said Monday's night-time launch from a Safir-2 rocket was "another achievement for Iranian scientists under sanctions".
The satellite was designed for research and telecommunications purposes, the television report said.
Iran is subject to UN sanctions as some Western powers think it is trying to build a nuclear bomb, which it denies.
Tehran says its nuclear ambitions are limited to the production of energy, and has emphasised its satellite project is entirely peaceful.
The launch of the Omid (Hope) satellite had been expected and was clearly timed to coincide with the 30th anniversary of the Iranian revolution, says the BBC's Jon Leyne in Tehran.
Space centre
Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad said the satellite was launched to spread "monotheism, peace and justice" in the world.
But the launch could cause alarm in the West because of fears the technology could be used to make a long-range missile, possibly with a nuclear warhead, our correspondent says.

Iran will no doubt reply that it is once again being judged by double standards for using a technology that is commonplace in many other parts of the world, he adds.
Speaking after the launch, Iranian Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki stressed the project was peaceful.
"Iran's satellite technology is for purely peaceful purposes and to meet the needs of the country," Reuters agency quoted Mr Mottaki as saying on the fringes of an African Union summit in Ethiopia.
Last August, Iran said it had successfully launched a rocket capable of carrying its first domestically built satellite, having in February launched a low-orbit research rocket as part of preparations for the satellite launch.
That launch marked the inauguration of a new space centre, at an unidentified desert location, which included an underground control station and satellite launch pad.
The White House called the 2008 launch "unfortunate", warning it would further isolate Iran from the global community.
In February 2007, Iran said it had launched a rocket capable of reaching space - before it made a parachute-assisted descent to Earth.
In October 2005, a Russian rocket launched Iran's first satellite, the Sina-1, which carried photographic and telecommunications equipment.
 

Let 3

The Nipple Erector
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Едно прашање до тие што се разбираат повеќе
Тој систем С300, до сега во колку конфликти е користен и кој му е односот на детектирани и соборени цели?
 
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Досега овој систем нема видено употреба во реален конфликт.Ама и САД и останатите земји имале прилика на повеќе пати да го испробаат во различни вежби и симулации.А нејќат да го видат во рацете на земји потенцијални кандидати за напад.Така да мислам дека доволно зборува овој факт.
 
R

RAYTHEON23

Гостин
Sistemot e strav i trepet za sekoj pilot..da bideme realni zatoa SAD ke kuka ako IRAN go dobie ovoj PVO sistem...ke pagaat avioni i tekako..nekoi miluvaat da go sporeduvaat so PATRIOT ama moe mislenje e deka c-300(ili sa-10 nato oznaka)
e cekor napred od americkiot patriot

EVE NESTO za c-300:vozbud: PLA Air Force (PLAAF)’s Surface-to-Air Missile Corps has been operating the S-300 (NATO reporting name: SA-10 Grumble) family of surface-to-air missile (SAM) system developed by Russian Almaz Central Design Bureau since the mid-1990s. The S-300 m The PRC ordered two battalions (eight batteries) of the S-300PMU (SA-10 Grumble) SAM system in 1991 and received them in 1993. The US$220 million package included 32 truck-towed 5P85T (KrAZ-260V) transporter-erector-launchers (TEL), each with four ready-to-launch semi-active radar homing 5V55U missiles and 4~8 spare missiles, totalling 256~384 missiles in the package. Some additional 120 spare missiles were ordered from Russia in 1994 to replace those fired in exercises.
PLAAF S-300PUM missile launch (Chinese Internet) The contract to purchase two battalions (eight batteries) of the improved S-300PMU1 (SA-10A Grumble) system was signed in 1994 and the delivery took place in the late 1990s. The US$400 million package included 32 self-propelled 5P85SE/DE TEL vehicles and 196 TVM-guidance 48N6E missiles. 50% of the package was paid through barter and 50% in hard currency.
An additional two battalions (eight batteries) of the S-300PMU1 system was ordered in 2001 in a contract worth US$400 million. The packaged included 32 TEL vehicles and 198 missiles, also in the 48N6E model. These missiles were reportedly deployed in the southeast Fujian province across the strait from Taiwan.
In 2002, The PRC ordered two Altair S-300F Rif (NATO reporting name: SA-N-6) shipboard air defence missile complexes worth US$£200 million from Russia. Each of theses complexes consists of six large-size revolver vertical launching systems (VLS), housing eight ready-to-launch 5V55RM semi-active radar homing missiles each. These systems were installed on the PLA Navy’s Type 051C (Luzhou class) missile destroyers.
In 2003, the PRC finalised a contract worth US$980 million with the Russian state export agency Rosoboronexport to acquire four battalions (16 batteries) of the more advanced S-300PMU2 (SA-10B Favorit) system, which was introduced to the international market in 2001. The package included 64 self-propelled 5P85SE2/DE2 TEL vehicles and 256 improved 48N6E2 missiles, which has an extended range of 200km against aircraft and 40km range against ballistic missile. The first two battalions were delivered in 2007, and the rest two battalions are scheduled to be delivered in 2008.
By the end of 2008, the PLAAF will be operating a total of 160 S-300 launchers grouped into 10 SAM battalions (40 batteries). These launchers include 32 S-300PMUs, 64 S-300PMU1s, and 64 S-300PMU2s. Each launcher is equipped with four ready-to-launch missiles and 4~8 spare missiles. If taking additional spare and practice missiles purchased from Russia into account, the total number of missiles received by the PLAAF has amounted well above 1,000.
The acquisition of the S-300 system has significantly improved the PLA’s capability of denying Chinese airspace to enemy air forces. In particular, the latest S-300PMU2 system gives the PLAAF limited ballistic missile defence capability for the first time. As well as serving defensive roles, the missile system could also be used in a more “offensive” manner by deploying them close to the border to force enemy aircraft avoid entering their envelope, thus forming an airspace blockage over enemy territory.
However, the mere 160 launchers are barely adequate to provide cover for few key cities and strategic assets. A number of indigenous SAM development projects have been initiated since the mid-1980s, but none has been able to produce a capable SAM system of the S-300-class. As a result, the PLAAF is forced to continue relying on the obsolete HQ-2 SAM system based on the 1950s-era Soviet SA-2 Guideline technology to provide air-defence in most parts of the country. The PRC was reportedly seeking a licensed co-production of the S-300, but the request may have been turned down by Russia.
S-300PMU (SA-10) air defence missile system (Chinese Internet) S-300PMU2 (SA-10B) air defence missile system (Chinese Internet) S-300PMU Missiles


5V55U air defence missile of the S-300PMU (Chinese Internet) The vertically launched S-300 missile uses a single-stage solid propellant rocket motor. It is normally armed with a 100~150kg HE-fragmentation warhead with a proximity fuse, though a low yield tactical nuclear type is believed to be an alternative warhead option. The missile's vertical launch trajectory provides fastest available reaction time capability to counter targets approaching from any azimuth. Missile engagement altitude extends from 25m up to about 30,000m. The maximum engagement range is 120~150km. The missile is carried inside a sealed container-launcher cylinder and does not to require any check-ups or adjustments for a period of 10 years.
The initial version acquired by the PLA is the S-300PMU introduced in 1992 for the export market. The system features the improved 5V55U missile, which was developed from the 5V55R, The missile still utilised the older semi-active radar homing (SARH) terminal guidance but had an increased engagement envelope to give this missile roughly the same altitude capabilities as the newer 150km-range 48N6 missile.
The S-300PMU1 uses the improved 48N6E missile using the more advanced Track-Via-Missile (TVM) guidance similar to that used on the U.S. Patriot missile air defence system. The TVM guidance provides the 48N6E missile with anti-ballistic missile (ABM) capability as well as improved performance against aircraft. The S-300PMU2 (Favorit) uses a further improved 48N6E2 missile that has extended range and performance.
S-300PMU
S-300PMU1
S-300PMU2
Missile Model 5V55U 48N6E 48N6E2 Maximum Velocity 2,000m/s 2,000m/s 2,000m/s Launch Weight 1,470kg 1,780kg 1,800kg Range (vs Aircraft) 150km 150km 195km Range (vs Missile) 35~40km 40km 40~50km Altitude 75km 75km 95km Guidance Semi-active radar TVM TVM HQ-15
There has been speculations that the PLA may be considering a licensed co-production of the S-300 SAM systems in China. The Chinese copy of the S-300 was reportedly designated HQ-15. Some reports suggested that Chinese-assembled S-300 missiles using Russian-made kits have already been tested by the PLA, but this cannot be confirmed. China has the capability to initiate such a co-production but the PLA may wish to use the S-300 technology to improve its own indigenous designs such as HQ-9 instead. Another possibility is that China will only produce the missile, but not the TEL vehicles and guidance radar, to save the overall costs of the programme.
S-300PMU Launch Complex
Each missile battery consists of four TEL vehicles (with 16 ready-to-launch missiles), a 30N6E Flap Lid B (also known as Tomb Stone) phased-array illumination and guidance radar, and a 76N6 Clam Shell low-altitude early warning radar At the regiment level, there is also a command post consisting of a combat control system mounted on a 8X8 MAZ 543 truck, and a 64N6E Big Bird early warning radar mounted on a semi-trailer towed by an 8X8 MAZ-7910 tractor truck.
The battery takes only five minutes to deploy once it comes to the halt. The vehicles have electronic inter-vehicle communications and data transmission links with elevatable pole-type antenna, and thus it does not require interconnecting vehicle cables. Each of the KrAZ-260 tractor truck has four hydraulic jacks positioned either side between the first/second and third/fourth road wheels which are lowered to the ground to provide a more stable and level environment.
Table: Equipments of a Typical S-300 Regiment
Designation
NATO codename
Qty
Systems
Purpose
5P85T 32 S-300PMU Truck-towed TEL based on KrAZ-260, each carrying four missile transport-launch containers (TLC) 5P85SE (master)
5P85DE (slave) 16
16 S-300PMU1/PMU2 Self-propelled 8X8 TEL based on MAZ-543, each carrying four transport-launch containers (TLC) 30N6E(2) Flap Lid B
(Tomb Stone) 8 S-300PMU/PMU1/PMU2 Phased-array illumination and guidance radar 76N6 Clam Shell 8 S-300PMU/PMU1/PMU2 Low-altitude early warning radar 96L6E 8 S-300PMU/PMU1/PMU2 Detection and target designation radar 83M6E(2) 1 S-300PMU/PMU1/PMU2 Command post including 54K6E(2) combat control system and 64N6E(2) early warning radar 54K6E(2) 1 S-300PMU/PMU1/PMU2 Combat control system 64N6E(2) Big Bird 1 S-300PMU/PMU1/PMU2 Early warning radar and IFF interceptor 5P85SE master launcher (right) and 5P85DE slave launcher (left) 30N6E Flap Lid B phased-array illumination and guidance radar Battery command post KrAZ-260V spare missile
 

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