Воени злосторства на терористите од УЧК

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[Илко Илија]

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[underconsole]

Дали некаде го има документарниот филм "Тетово во во виорот на војната" од Тв Кис? На јутјуб го има со многу лош квалитет а изгледа и не е цел (иако го пишува како цел). Пред 15тина год. го имав на VCD ама сега не можам да го најдам.

 

[Panter 01]

Тетово во виорот на војната цел

Македонија 2001

www.youtube.com

 

[underconsole]

Тетово во виорот на војната цел

Македонија 2001

www.youtube.com

Да, ова видео го спомнав и јас, дека е со лош квалитет и нецелосно. Затоа барам подобро.

 

[Ali Pasha]

Види го ти предавникот... го батали муабетот со белите шамичиња:

 

[Inglourious Basterd]

Види го ти предавникот... го батали муабетот со белите шамичиња:

Бил правен муабетот и на форумов предходно, и сите знаеме дека во Арачиново македонската армија и полиција не напредуваше како што генералите и Љубе првично мислеле.

Ама приказнава на Фрле дека НАТО не спасил е смешна. Таму имаше опколени терористи, без струја, вода и храна. АРМ и полицијата можеа да ги држат опколени уште 2-3 недели, под артилериски оган, и овие ќе мораа да се предадат за физички да преживеат. Така да, стварно не сфаќам што тоа НАТО не спасил, ама Фрчкоски е во прашање со него секогаш резонирањето е такво...

 

[Ali Pasha]

Бил правен муабетот и на форумов предходно, и сите знаеме дека во Арачиново македонската армија и полиција не напредуваше како што генералите и Љубе првично мислеле.

Ама приказнава на Фрле дека НАТО не спасил е смешна. Таму имаше опколени терористи, без струја, вода и храна. АРМ и полицијата можеа да ги држат опколени уште 2-3 недели, под артилериски оган, и овие ќе мораа да се предадат за физички да преживеат. Така да, стварно не сфаќам што тоа НАТО не спасил, ама Фрчкоски е во прашање со него секогаш резонирањето е такво...

Највероватно се мисли во тоа дека во јавноста беше објавено дека е освоено Арачиново, а тоа не било можно без доста жртви, и такво статус кво на тој фронт би ја разгорела уште повеќе целовкупната ситуација. Инаку, не биле целосно опколени, туку постоел еден коридор, оти по почнувањето на воените дејствија, од липковскиот фронт дошле доста војници на УЧК да ги утврдат позициите во Арачиново.

 

[Bonnie and Clyde]

Највероватно се мисли во тоа дека во јавноста беше објавено дека е освоено Арачиново, а тоа не било можно без доста жртви, и такво статус кво на тој фронт би ја разгорела уште повеќе целовкупната ситуација. Инаку, не биле целосно опколени, туку постоел еден коридор, оти по почнувањето на воените дејствија, од липковскиот фронт дошле доста војници на УЧК да ги утврдат позициите во Арачиново.

Треба да ти биде јасно дека ниедни терористи не можат против држава
Имаше таму ранет војник на Нато, префрлен со хеликоптер во Бонстил, да не трескам на памет за бројка ама тогаш од Арачиново беа извадени и американски војници кои биле таму за логистика и обука и најверојатно затоа беше забрането завзимање на Арачиново


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[stratUs]

Највероватно се мисли во тоа дека во јавноста беше објавено дека е освоено Арачиново, а тоа не било можно без доста жртви, и такво статус кво на тој фронт би ја разгорела уште повеќе целовкупната ситуација. Инаку, не биле целосно опколени, туку постоел еден коридор, оти по почнувањето на воените дејствија, од липковскиот фронт дошле доста војници на УЧК да ги утврдат позициите во Арачиново.

Стварно мислиш дека терористите ќе го пробиеја обрачот околу нив?Научна фантастика,ако беше така зошто не продолжија да се борат туку беа изнесени со автобуси на америчката војска?

 

[kukuzel]

и овие ќе мораа да се предадат за физички да преживеат.

Не и кога те предводи Командант Тели

 

[callejón de la muerte]

Не можам да најдам општа тема за 2001, на срч дава милион постови, па ќе ја употребам оваа тема за да споделам еден интересен аналитички текст, од западна перспектива ретко или ич не се споменува овој конфликт, малку е подолг текст ама е сериозно детален па дури до ситници понекогаш.

Спојлер: албанскиот сецесионистички бунт во 2001, прв дел

Following the example of Slovenia, Croatia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina, on 8.September 1991 Macedonia declared independence, becoming a member of the United Nations in May 1992, under provisional name „The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia“ (FYROM) – resulting mainly from the fierce Greek resistance to accept the use of the name "Macedonia". In fact, from 1994 until 1995 Greece declared an unilateral trade embargo that had a strong impact on the Macedonian economy - which was never specially strong even at best times, and already badly damaged by the UN sanctions against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) from 1992 to 1996. It was not before autumn 2004 that the country was finally recognized under the name Macedonia – first by the USA and then several other nations.

On gaining independence Macedonia was set as a republic with unicameral parliament – a 120-seat National Assembly – and a popularly elected President. Contrary to other former Yugoslav republics, it managed to separate from Serbia without any bloodshed. For the first seven years it was ruled by former socialists (considered „Communists“ in the West), who prevented the country from being drawn into any kind of conflict. The Social Democratic Party (SDSM) could not push through the necessary reforms of the society and economy. On the contrary, during the 1990s it came under pressure for massive corruption and connections to local, Serbian, and Albanian organized crime, mainly consisting of large-scale smugglers, who acted against UN-imposed embargos on Former Yugoslavia, and especially Serbia. Consequently, this government was voted out on parliamentary elections in 1998 in favour of a coalition of nationalist Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization-Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (VMRO-DPMNE), Democratic Alternative (DA), and the Democratic Party of Albanians (DPA).

“Ethnic“ Tensions :

The new government immediately faced immense problems and began losing popularity. By November 2000 the DA withdrew from the coalition and was replaced by the small Liberal Party. Political scandals and economic difficulties had a heavy impact on the government, which was considered as corrupt by the population as previous SDSM. Clearly, this situation had a severe impact on relations between the Slav Macedonian majority and ethnic Albanian minority, which were already tense ever since country’s independence – even if not as bad as in Kosovo under Serbian rule. On one side, the Albanians in Macedonia demanded greater cultural and educational rights, as well as representation in the government, armed forces and police; on the other side, large Serbian, Macedonian and Albanian – but also Greek and Bulgarian – smuggling bands were active in Macedonia of the 1990s. Their business flourished as long as the UN embargos against FRY were in force, and while SDSM was in power, almost nothing was done against their activity.

However, the conflict between the Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo and the conduct of presidential elections in Macedonia in 1999, exacerbated inter-ethnic tensions. Charges of violence and ballot-stuffing highlighted tensions, further increased by a flood of 250.000 Kosovar Albanian refugees on the height of the Kosovo War. Eventually even the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) became present in Macedonia, establishing bases and supply centres from which it was dispatching fighters into FRY. It did not last very long until some of Albanian bands formed their own militias: private „bodyguards“ were available in sufficient number - and omnipresent whenever specific local bosses felt their „rights“ or interests threatened. Due to the uprisings and chaos in Albania, in 1996, and then the war in Kosovo, there were now plenty of weapons available at low prices.

Smuggling has long traditions in the Balkans, and in the case of Macedonia in the 1990s even top government officials were involved in different smuggling operations with Kosovo and Albania – which were mainly run by ethnic Albanians. During the crisis on Kosovo, in 1998 and 1999, large stockpiles of weapons intended for KLA were stored in depots in villages on the Macedonian border to Kosovo. Smuggling of fuels, narcotics, tobacco, „white slaves“, and even chocolate was widespread and top Macedonian political brass was getting „financial compensation“ for doing nothing against such crimes. Whoever protested within the Macedonian authorities was removed from his post. This dangerous combination of ethnic tensions and organized crime now only needed a spark that would cause the fire. While redirecting smuggling channels from Kosovo to Macedonia and gearing up the propaganda machine against the Macedonian government – especially among the ethnic Albanians living abroad – the NLA began attacking police and army personnel and facilities, but then also public facilities (like rail lines).

Macedonian Air Force

The former Yugoslav forces stationed in Macedonia until 1992 consisted of a number of brigades under two corps commands, a single airfield – Petrovec AB, near Skopje – with 98th Aviation Brigade, and the 450th Air Defence Regiment. In addition to these units there was also the so-called „Teritorialna Odbrana“ – militia that was to be mobilized in a case of emergency - armed mainly with obsolete and equipment that was in poor condition. Most of the heavy equipment of the former federal military was taken away by the Serbs – down to windows and doors in local barracks. What was left was of little use; Macedonians thus had to start from a scratch.

One of the first military organizations they formed was the Voeno Vozduhoplovstvo i Protiv-Vozdushnata Odbrana na Armijata na Republika Makedonia (VViPVO ARM), which was a small air arm, equipped with one Utva 66 liaison- and four Utva 75 basic training aircraft. Nevertheless, technically the VViPVO was a whole Corps within the Army. The first significant reinforcement appeared in the form of four Mi-17 helicopters, purchased from the Ukraine in 1994. Due to international arms embargo all were initially operated in civilian colours and registrations, even if being used entirely for military purposes.

When delivered to Macedonia, in 1994, the first four Mi-17-1Vs of the VViPVO ARM were all painted in white, and carried civilian registrations. The reason was that they were supplied despite the then existing UN arms embargo. In 1995, following the suspension of this embargo, all were camouflaged in Sand, Mid-Green and Dark-Green, and given full military insignia. Seen on this photograph are VAM-301/Z3-HHC and VAM-302/Z3-HHD. The other two early Macedonian Mi-17s were VAM-303/Z3-HHE and VAM-304/Z3-HHF. (Photo: Macedonian MoD)

Following the suspension of the arms embargo, all four Mi-17s have got proper camouflage painting and military markings.

In 1995 the VViPVO was reinforced by addition of four Zlin 242 basic training aircraft, acquired from Czech Republic. Zlins replaced Utva 75s. By the time the sole Utva 66 was already in-operational: this old aircraft was sold as “scrap” in 1999 to a local flying club – for restoration.

Автоматски споено мислење: 5 април 2022

Спојлер: Албанскиот сецесионистички бунт во 2001, втор дел

Meanwhile, the whole Macedonian Army (ARM) went through a similar process of growth and reorganization. It was officially formed on 18 August 1992 from former Yugoslav Army and TO personnel, as well as what little equipment was not removed by the Serbs. Initially it modelled itself as a smaller version of the former Yugoslav Army, its commanders envisaging no less but three corps, an air force and an air defence corps, as well as a number of operational commands. Such aspirations proved far beyond the capability of the small and poor nation and were never realized.

By 1996 Macedonia applied for membership in NATO’s Partnership for Peace (PfP) program and plans were set the ARM to move from self-reliance to mutual protection capability. For this the military required a major reorganization. This began in 1998, when also first major arms donations arrived. However, during the following years similar, “new” plans for reorganization were published almost every six months and every time they were superseded long before realization. Under control of corrupt politicians and higher ranks each of which had own ideas about the future of the military, with many officers removed or retired for incompetence, the ARM – and so also the VViPVO – was eventually to become involved in one of the most difficult kinds of armed conflicts – a counter-insurgency war – before being ready for any kind of warfare. Finding itself in the middle of several simultaneous reorganizations, each of which was undertaken according to a different plan, the ARM and VViPVO at the time were not only not really functioning, but actually in a state of chaos. There were two corps HQs, but both were not yet operational. Some battalions were independent commands, others were organized into ad-hoc brigades. Personnel needed to be properly trained in almost all aspects of military art. Without surprise, an internal report was so highly critical about the situation within the ARM and its overall performance that the Chief of Staff, Lt.Gen. Andrevski, stood down.

The first out of four Mi-17s supplied to Macedonia was VAM-301. It is seen here as appearing after being camouflaged, in 1995. Note the heavy camouflage in Sand, Mid-Green and Dark-Green, with serial ("VAM-301") applied in Grey. "VAM-303" was an exception from this rule in having its serials applied in "low-visibility" fashion, in Mid-Green and Sand over Sand and Mid-Green. (Artwork by Tom Cooper)


Outbreak of the War

The first attacks by ethnic Albanians on Macedonian security forces occurred in late 2000 and early 2001, mainly along the border to Kosovo. The insurgents acted in a pattern similar to the one seen in Kosovo in late 1997 and through 1998, according to which they gradually took over one village after the other. Any such efforts were initially “peaceful”, the non-Albanian population being “encouraged” to leave. But, at some point armed actions followed against legitimate authorities, with the definition between peaceful domination and violence being ill defined – i.e. simply left in the hands of local rebel commanders.

The government at first did nothing against the situation because it received assurances from its „business partners“, that what was going on was not directed against Macedonia. Satisfied with the answer and their payments the authorities waited for almost two months – and then the situation was almost immediately out of control, in fact so much that the government was not only taken by surprise but also made one mistake after the other.

However, the payments then suddenly stopped, while the number of attacks was growing. In fact, in January 2001 a group calling itself the National Liberation Army (NLA) appeared, claiming responsibility for attacks on police forces. The leaders of this NLA – including Ali Ahmeti and his uncle, Fazli Veliu, were all from Western Macedonia. They stated to have “between several hundreds and thousands” of fighters under arms. However, they were not supported by either of the two main ethnic Albanian political parties. The Macedonian government responded that the rebels were actually members of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), who “infiltrated” the country from Kosovo. Certainly, the KFOR and the UN-peacekeepers stationed in Macedonia already since 1992 were doing nothing to keep them outside the country. In fact, the NLA-fighters considered Kosovo as “safe heaven” where they could pull back in the case of larger Macedonian actions against them.

Finally, on 17 March the ARM was ordered to send a force in the conflict-ridden town of Tetovo and capture several local Albanian depots. During this operation, which resulted in first larger clashes between the Macedonian authorities and the Albanians in the country, a VViPVO Mi-17 crashed while landing at the ski resort of Popova Sapka. The helicopter was actually pushed by wind into an electric pole around 17:00hrs, shortly after dark. One technician, Mst.Sgt. Draganco Ilievski, was killed, while 12 other crewmembers and troops that were aboard were badly injured, five of them heavily and six slightly. All were subsequently evacuated to the hospitals in Skopje. Despite this mishap, after four days of fighting the Macedonian forces drove rebels off positions overlooking the city of Tetovo.

Reaction of the government was interesting: “suddenly”, funding for the military and security authorities – that was not available for years – became available. In fact, during the following months the ARM was to get so many helicopters, tanks, artillery, equipment and ammunition that it could have defeated an enemy that was two times as strong as the Albanian rebels in Macedonia would ever be. On 24 March the first two Mi-24Vs and four Mi-8MTs arrived from the Ukraine. During March also Greece supplied two Bell UH-1Hs taken from its 1st Army Aviation Brigade to VViPVO. The pilots for these were trained for 20 days in Stefanivikon.

It must be mentioned here that despite plenty of reports of the contrary, the Macedonian military had enough trained pilots and technical personnel to sustain new equipment. For example, there were no less but 55 pilots with the VViPVO left from the times of the former JRViPVO. For most of the 1990s these have not got more than 20 hours flying time annually, but under new conditions there was suddenly enough money for them to be re-qualified for different types of helicopters in a 20h long crash-course in the Ukraine. The first group of eight pilots then returned – together with their new escorts, and contracted Ukrainian personnel that was to take care about the maintenance of delivered equipment, as well as supervision of their deployment for a period of between six and 12 months – to Macedonia. Consequently, down to very few early combat sorties, the VViPVO Mi-24s were for most of the times flown by Macedonian pilots.

Having the ARM reinforced the government began preparing an operation that was to see the rebels being driven out of Macedonian towns and villages and into Kosovo. Simultaneously, the KFOR and the UN-troops in Macedonia were requested to take a more robust approach in stopping the rebels from crossing the border. Refusing to negotiate any terms with what they called “terrorists”, in late March 2001 the government then launched an offensive to regain control of rebel-held villages around Tetovo. Advancing slowly, sometimes supported by Mi-24s, the Macedonians carefully attempted to avoid mistakes of the Serbian police and military in Kosovo, namely to act overly aggressive and expose themselves to world condemnation. At first the resistance was minor and the ARM regained control over a number of villages. During an attack against the rebels that were meanwhile besieging Tetovo two Hinds were observed firing unguided rockets against enemy positions on the Mount Sar. In the following hours the same area was heavily bombarded by Macedonian artillery, and on the following day – 20 March 2001 - additional troops were deployed in the combat area by Mi-17 helicopters. Moving a column of armoured vehicles – including T-55s – through Tetovo towards the Mt. Sar, the Macedonians eventually advanced in such power that the NLA simply melted away in front of them, disappearing over the border to Kosovo. Eventually, this attack that was launched in such a bold manner came to an end on the evening of 25 March. The problem this time was that the sole objective of this operation was to push the Albanians only so far that these would be unable of laying mortar fire on Tetovo. Clearly, the ARM could not sustain a permanent presence of such a force in the area. As soon as a better part of the troops was away the incursions continued and the violence soon spread into Tetovo, the sections of which periodically came under intensive mortar attacks.

One from the original batch of Mi-24s supplied to Macedonia was this Mi-24V, serialled 201, and operated by 201 Squadron during the bitter fighting against Albanian rebels, in summer 2001. Note that all the Macedonian Hinds lacked rails for ATGMs, and were almost always carrying two UB-32-16 rocket launchers under each wing. (Artwork by Tom Cooper)

Автоматски споено мислење: 5 април 2022

Шиптарскиот сецесионистички бунт 2001, трет дел.docx

Visit this link to download: албанскиот сецесионистички бунт 2001, трет дел.docx

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Ги спојува трите поста во еден па не дава повеќе од 18000 карактери, треба некој да постира во меѓувреме за да може да ги прими, еве го третиот во ворд документ кој сака нек го даунлодира, навистина детално дело во поглед на 2001.
И што е ова со аутокорект ако човек напише "ш(к)иптари", сериозно?

 

[underconsole]

Дали некаде го има документарниот филм "Тетово во во виорот на војната" од Тв Кис? На јутјуб го има со многу лош квалитет а изгледа и не е цел (иако го пишува како цел). Пред 15тина год. го имав на VCD ама сега не можам да го најдам.

Никој?

 

[Panter 01]

Автоматски споено мислење: 4 ноември 2023

 

[McLovin]

Прегледај го приврзокот 396586

Автоматски споено мислење: 4 ноември 2023

Прегледај го приврзокот 396587

Џингар.
Можеш да објавиш повеќе слики? Ова од книгата за него ли е?