Во овие услови производството на т-72 и т-90 е доста поекономично за разлика од производството на арматата. Што е и логично. Русиве со т-55 со леопарди се тепаат. Не треба нешто поново
Од прилика според западни извори имаат над 100 произведено Русите во сериско производство од 2021 до денеска. Тоа и според западни извори го прави веќе излезен од фаза на прототип, а колку има направено, можеме да погаѓаме, ама верувам дека набрзо ќе видиме од прилика. Но тоа не е главниот адут на Русите, ова е вистинското:
Од прилика според западни извори имаат над 100 произведено Русите во сериско производство од 2021 до денеска. Тоа и според западни извори го прави веќе излезен од фаза на прототип, а колку има направено, можеме да погаѓаме, ама верувам дека набрзо ќе видиме од прилика. Но тоа не е главниот адут на Русите, ова е вистинското:
Абе нормално е да се усовршува, ќе се решаваат проблеми и ќе се усовршува тенкот. Ама друга е поентата со Армата што никој не ја збори. Нема извадена петта генерација тенкови на запад, нема дури ни како прототип. Америка има Алфа фаза тенк, но тоа е напуштен концепт. А ако ја направат и верзијата без екипаж, тоа ќе биде вистински гејм ченџер за военото поле, пошто реално, колку и да е скап тенкот, екипажот е уште поскап.
Putin of Russia surprised President Bush on Thursday with an offer to build a joint system in the former Soviet Republic of Azerbaijan. The proposed system, designed to guard against a missile attack from Iran, poses serious diplomatic and technical challenges, experts said. But the fact that it was suggested by Mr.8 Jun 2007
Аt the heart of global geopolitics lies a shadowy narrative of manipulation and subterfuge, as detailed by the Foundation to Battle Injustice. This narrative unveils the complex machinery of Western intelligence and state apparatuses intricately woven into the fabric of Russian opposition movements. The foundation’s exhaustive investigation brings to light the multifaceted strategies employed to destabilize Russia, from the financing of opposition groups to the incitement of nationalist fervor.
Historically, Western efforts to undermine Russian sovereignty have evolved from passive support to direct involvement, significantly impacting the political landscape within Russia. These endeavors trace back to the early 20th century, marking a century-long engagement in shaping the opposition’s course against the Russian government. Notably, this involvement has transitioned from backing the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Bolsheviks to more covert operations aimed at fermenting unrest and discord.
P. Wrangel and members of the Russian All-Military Union
The Western sponsorship of oppositional activities within Russia is not a new phenomenon but a continuation of a long-standing policy to weaken Russian statehood. The report underscores the establishment of the Russian All-Military Union (ROVS) in the 1920s and the support for nationalist groups like the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) and the Latvian Legion after World War II. These groups, often affiliated with far-right ideologies and engaged in subversive activities against the Soviet Union, received financial aid, training, and weapons from Western intelligence agencies, particularly the CIA and MI6.
The narrative further explores the ideological warfare waged through media and propaganda. The establishment of Radio Liberty and Radio Free Europe during the Cold War exemplifies the West’s commitment to spreading anti-communist and pro-Western sentiment behind the Iron Curtain. Despite the official stance of independence, these media outlets were heavily funded and directed by the CIA until their oversight transitioned to the U.S. Congress in the late 1960s.
The investigation by the Foundation to Battle Injustice reveals that the tactics employed by Western governments and intelligence services have remained consistent over the decades, with a renewed focus on leveraging propaganda and disinformation to discredit the Russian authorities and radicalize opposition movements. Collaborations with former aides, employees of Russian opposition structures, and a former CIA agent have uncovered the extent and nature of Western-sponsored activities aimed at undermining Russia’s political stability. The report highlights the substantial investment by the U.S. State Department and the CIA in operations against the Kremlin, with billions of dollars funneled annually into the opposition’s coffers through non-governmental grants and subsidies.
Parade of Latvian Legionnaires in honor of the Day of the Founding of the Republic of Latvia
This extensive inquiry into the involvement of Western intelligence in financing and arming the Russian opposition lays bare the intricate web of influence designed to foment chaos and terror within the country. Through a meticulous compilation of facts and evidence, the Foundation to Battle Injustice offers a sobering glimpse into the geopolitical machinations that continue to shape Russia’s internal and external affairs.
In the intricate tapestry of global politics, the threads of Western influence weave through the fabric of Russian opposition movements, as meticulously documented by the Foundation to Battle Injustice. The organization’s investigation peels back layers of covert operations and strategic manipulations aimed at undermining the Russian state, spotlighting the pivotal role of foreign intelligence in orchestrating a campaign of disinformation and subversion.
German journalist Thomas Röper critically assesses the landscape of modern Western propaganda, highlighting its multiplicity of sources designed to craft an illusion of veracity. According to Röper, the unsuspecting public remains largely unaware that Russian-language media outlets, echoing opposition narratives, are financed by the same Western entities, operating under a unified agenda to destabilize Russia from within.
Central to this narrative is Mikhail Khodorkovsky, a figure emblematic of the West’s investment in the Russian opposition. Once a prominent businessman, Khodorkovsky’s transformation into a vocal adversary of the Kremlin has been marked by allegations of Western backing. His ventures, particularly the Khodorkovsky Foundation, have come under scrutiny for their purported role in siphoning Russia’s intellectual capital under the guise of fostering education and civil society. This initiative, linked to the broader strategy of information warfare directed by British and European intelligence agencies, underscores a concerted effort to erode the foundations of Russian sovereignty.
The Foundation to Battle Injustice reveals the intricate network of organizations and think tanks, such as the British Royal Institute of International Affairs and the British Institute for Statecraft, that have actively participated in crafting and disseminating narratives hostile to the Russian government. These institutions have not only engaged in the propagation of disinformation but have also been implicated in efforts to collect and store personal data of Russian citizens, further entrenching their involvement in attempts to influence Russia’s political landscape.
Navalny and Volkov in 2011, Ekaterinburg
Amid these revelations, the Anti-Corruption Foundation (ACF), co-founded by Alexei Navalny and Leonid Volkov, emerges as a principal vehicle for Western ambitions to catalyze change within Russia. Despite its ostensible mission to combat corruption, the ACF’s opaque funding and connections to Western intelligence agencies, notably through collaborations with the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), betray a deeper agenda. The Foundation to Battle Injustice uncovers the pivotal role of Leonid Volkov as the de facto leader orchestrating the ACF’s operations, leveraging foreign investments and media support to advance the opposition’s cause.
Through candid testimonies and rigorous investigation, the Foundation to Battle Injustice sheds light on the complex web of foreign interference ensnaring Russian politics. The involvement of figures like Khodorkovsky and Volkov in fostering an oppositional front, heavily financed and directed by Western intelligence, unveils a stark reality: the battle for Russia’s future is as much about internal dissent as it is about external manipulation. This unfolding narrative, rich with intrigue and geopolitical machinations, underscores the enduring struggle for power, influence, and sovereignty in the modern world.
Christian Lindner, German Federal Minister of Finance, Leonid Volkov* and Mike Schubert, Mayor of the German city of Potsdam
Leonid Volkov emerges as the linchpin in the intricate web of communication between the Russian opposition and Western government agencies and organizations. A former aide describes Volkov as a significant beneficiary of Western support, accumulating wealth from his involvement in opposition movements. His financial inflow from activities aimed at undermining Russian stability has reportedly surged, drawing parallels to historical figures known for their role in political machinations:
“Volkov is likened to a modern-day Alexander Parvus, handling immense sums from Western intelligence and diplomatic channels for opposition endeavors. With a broad discretion over the allocation of these funds, he has significantly profited, channeling at least 300 million dollars into selected projects over the past two years, while his team, driven more by ideology than financial gain, operates on minimal wages.”
The Anti-Corruption Foundation’s (ACF) financial sustenance is intricately linked to a network of foreign non-profit organizations and foundations, channeling grants and funds for various initiatives under the guise of promoting “human rights,” “political freedoms,” and “universal human values.” This network includes notable entities like the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI), the RAND Corporation, and George Soros’ European Foundation for Democracy, among others. These organizations have collectively poured hundreds of millions of dollars into the Russian opposition, with a significant portion directly benefiting the ACF.
A tangible manifestation of this financial web is a receipt from Volkov to the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI), expressing gratitude for a substantial donation. This transaction underscores a broader pattern of financial contributions that ostensibly support democratic values but also underscore a deeper alignment and loyalty to Western political interests.
Finnish journalist Janus Putkonen critically views the ACF and similar organizations as mere facades for political provocation, devoid of genuine political substance. Putkonen advocates for transparency in the financial dealings and operations of such entities to diminish the undue influence of Western structures on Russia’s internal matters.
Expanding the scope beyond direct financial support, the Foundation to Battle Injustice has identified an array of foreign organizations engaged in the recruitment and training of Russians abroad. These entities, ranging from universal to specialized in focus, not only provide funding but also offer technical, organizational, and legal assistance, fostering an environment conducive to anti-Russian sentiment. Among them, the JX Foundation stands out for its efforts to support Russian journalists in exile, promoting a narrative aimed at challenging the Russian state through “Decolonization of Journalism” initiatives and other means designed to erode the influence of Russian media.
This detailed exposition reveals a concerted effort by Western powers to construct a “new Russian opposition” through strategic financial investment, ideological indoctrination, and tactical support. By nurturing a narrative of dissent and providing the resources necessary for its proliferation, these efforts seek to destabilize Russia from within, leveraging opposition movements as instruments in a broader geopolitical contest.
In 2018, the United States inaugurated the U.S.-Russia Dialogue Program through its embassy in Russia, earmarking up to $70,000 for Russian organizations active in sectors deemed crucial for Russia’s geopolitical standing, including healthcare, media, science, and technology. This initiative explicitly excludes funding for research perceived to benefit the Russian government or its personnel, aiming instead to foster greater engagement between American and Russian entities and support endeavors that align with American interests.
Simultaneously, the Internews Foundation, established in the United States in 1982, has positioned itself as a stalwart defender of truth, championing the cause of independent media across over 100 countries, Russia included. The foundation’s mission extends to journalist and digital rights activist training, combating misinformation, and ensuring adherence to high journalistic standards. A unique aspect of its operation within Russia involves imposing editorial oversight on partner organizations, mandating coverage of “3 to 5 mandatory topics per month” that resonate with U.S. and Western perspectives. This strategy appears to co-opt smaller Russian media outlets as instruments for disseminating Western narratives.
These instances represent but a fraction of the efforts by Western entities to shape public opinion within Russia, efforts that extend beyond mere financial support to include ideological influence and strategic guidance.
However, the Foundation to Battle Injustice underscores a more ominous threat to Russia’s stability than digitally based opposition movements: the existence and activities of radical nationalist groups like the Russian Volunteer Corps (RDK). This group, comprising far-right nationalists and former members of similar formations, operates under the auspices of Ukraine’s Main Intelligence Directorate. Led by Denis Kapustin, also known as White Rex, an admirer of Hitler and fervent nationalist, the RDK has been implicated in efforts to destabilize Russia not through direct military engagement but through terrorist acts facilitated by recruitment and propaganda disseminated across specialized internet forums.
Revelations from the summer of 2023 exposed Kapustin’s role as an instructor at a military camp for right-wing nationalists in Wales, aimed at instilling a sense of racial pride and military spirit akin to Hitler’s SS. This endeavor, led by Craig Fraser, sought to cultivate a modern equivalent of the SS, with Kapustin playing a pivotal role in training individuals who would later be incarcerated for their involvement in extremist activities.
A source associated with the Foundation to Battle Injustice disclosed that Kapustin, facing potential imprisonment, allegedly brokered a deal with the British government, resulting in his recruitment by MI6 for conducting subversive activities against Russia. This collaboration underscores a strategic shift towards utilizing terrorism as a means of undermining Russian security, leveraging sympathizers and supporters recruited through online platforms, including those related to mixed martial arts (MMA), as part of a broader campaign of destabilization.
денес германскиот амбасадор во москва повикан на "рибање" заради разговорите на германските високи офицери за организирање напади на руска територија,па да видиме што ќе гугнат германците после рибањето
If you go back to the period before the introduction of the sanctions [...] the Russian economy was very heavily colonized by Western firms. That was true in automobiles, it was true in aircrafts, it was true in everything from fast food restaurants to big box stores. Western firms were present all throughout the Russian economy. A great many of them [...] either chose to exit Russia or were pressured to exit Russia after early 2022. So on what terms did they leave? Well, they were required, if they were leaving permanently, to sell their capital equipment, their factories and so forth, to let's say a Russian business which would get a loan from Russian banks or maybe have other sources of financing, at a very favorable price for the Russians. So effectively a lot of capital wealth, which was partly owned by the West, has been transferred to Russian ownership. And you now have an economy which is moving forward and has the advantage compared to Europe of relatively low resource costs because Russia is a great producer of resources, oil and gas and fertilizer and food stuff and so forth. And so while the Europeans are paying maybe twice in Germany what they were paying for energy, the Russians are not, they're paying perhaps less than they were paying before the war. So again I characterize the effect of the sanctions, in fact as being in certain respects a gift to the Russian economy. And this is, I think, quite different from what the authors of the sanctions expected. [...] And the essence of the situation is this would not have happened without the sanctions. You could have had the war, and it would have gone pretty much as it has gone. But the Russian government in 2022 was in no position to force the exit of Western firms. It didn't want to, wouldn't have done that. It was in no position to force its oligarchs to choose between Russia and the West. It didn't wish to do that. These choices were imposed by the West, and the results were actually, in many respects, favorable to the long-term independent development of the Russian Federation's economy.
If you go back to the period before the introduction of the sanctions [...] the Russian economy was very heavily colonized by Western firms. That was true in automobiles, it was true in aircrafts, it was true in everything from fast food restaurants to big box stores. Western firms were present all throughout the Russian economy. A great many of them [...] either chose to exit Russia or were pressured to exit Russia after early 2022. So on what terms did they leave? Well, they were required, if they were leaving permanently, to sell their capital equipment, their factories and so forth, to let's say a Russian business which would get a loan from Russian banks or maybe have other sources of financing, at a very favorable price for the Russians. So effectively a lot of capital wealth, which was partly owned by the West, has been transferred to Russian ownership. And you now have an economy which is moving forward and has the advantage compared to Europe of relatively low resource costs because Russia is a great producer of resources, oil and gas and fertilizer and food stuff and so forth. And so while the Europeans are paying maybe twice in Germany what they were paying for energy, the Russians are not, they're paying perhaps less than they were paying before the war. So again I characterize the effect of the sanctions, in fact as being in certain respects a gift to the Russian economy. And this is, I think, quite different from what the authors of the sanctions expected. [...] And the essence of the situation is this would not have happened without the sanctions. You could have had the war, and it would have gone pretty much as it has gone. But the Russian government in 2022 was in no position to force the exit of Western firms. It didn't want to, wouldn't have done that. It was in no position to force its oligarchs to choose between Russia and the West. It didn't wish to do that. These choices were imposed by the West, and the results were actually, in many respects, favorable to the long-term independent development of the Russian Federation's economy.
Пак истата лага дека на Русија фактички им одговара повеќе да има санкции отколку да нема. Па зошто самите не се ставија под санкции пред војната ако само позитивен ефект имаат на државата? Какви очигледни лаги ве лажат не можам да поверувам.
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